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Hanley Ramirez's three-run homer in 12th wins it for Dodgers, 5-2

Written By kolimtiga on Minggu, 03 Agustus 2014 | 16.38

Hanley Ramirez, the Dodgers have missed you.

You've been around and all, and playing OK. But not really approaching the Hanley Ramirez of last season who looked like the most dangerous hitter in baseball.

There was a late-night reappearance Saturday, and the timing could not have been better for him or the Dodgers.

Ramirez unloaded a three-run homer in the bottom of the 12th inning to give the Dodgers a 5-2 victory over the Cubs on a rainy night at Dodger Stadium.

It was the first walk-off home run ever for Ramirez, and it helped push the Dodgers' lead in the National League West back to 3 1/2 games over the Giants.

The Dodgers were 0 for 9 with runners in scoring position until Ramirez hit his two-out homer. It was his 12th home run of the season.

The Dodgers, who have won seven of their last eight, also received a two-run shot from Matt Kemp in the fourth inning.

The Dodgers played minus three of their normal starters: first baseman Adrian Gonzalez (bruised knee), center fielder Yasiel Puig (sore hamstring) and catcher A.J. Ellis (bruised knee). None of the injuries are considered serious, and Puig and Gonzalez later pinch hit.

The Cubs struck first, pushing a run across way back in the first inning after Chris Coghlan's one-out double. Starlin Castro's single to center scored the run.

The Dodgers had a difficult time figuring out Chicago's Tsuyoshi Wada early. The first time through the lineup, he held the Dodgers to a pair of singles.

But Ramirez led off the fourth inning with a walk, which was Wada's first of the game and seemed innocent enough. At least until Kemp unloaded his fourth home run in five games.

This was another vintage Kemp shot, powering out deeply to left-center field It was his 12th of the season.

For a time, it looked Hyun-Jin Ryu was going to make the 2-1 lead hold up. But he may have tired in the seventh after outfielder Junior Lake beat out a little tapper to first for an infield hit.

Cubs second baseman Arismendy Alcantara lined a double off the right-center wall that neither Scott Van Slyke nor Kemp could run down, scoring Lake with the tying run.

Ryu left after the seventh, having allowed two runs on nine hits and a walk, striking out six. Ryu was pitching on five days rest; he came in 11-2 with a 2.80 ERA when pitching with five days between starts.

Wada, a 33-year-old rookie from Japan, lasted 5 2/3 innings. He gave up his two runs on six hits and two walks, and also struck out six.

Puig pinch hit and singled to lead off the seventh inning, but was picked off first base by reliever Brian Schlitter. Puig did not bother to slide back to the bag on the throw and just took a step.

But scoreless innings became the norm as the two teams settled in for a battle of bullpens. Opportunities were rare and then mishandled.

The Cubs used six relievers and the Dodgers five. Jamey Wright (4-2) pitched the final two innings for the Dodgers to pick up the win.

Copyright © 2014, Los Angeles Times
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Starting is starting to be a concern for Dodgers

Zach Lee is the last of the Dodgers' bonus babies, a $5-million reminder of an era when a team could lavish however many millions it wished upon a draft choice. He was the Dodgers' minor league pitcher of the year last season, and they nearly traded him for Angels second baseman Howie Kendrick. Lee arrived at spring training as the most advanced of all the Dodgers' starting pitching prospects.

The Dodgers have used eight starting pitchers this season, including unheralded minor leaguers Red Patterson and Stephen Fife. They have not seriously considered Lee, despite all the accolades, because Lee simply has not pitched well this season.

The Dodgers desperately could use him now, if he were performing more effectively. Maybe they can use him anyway.

With injuries and ineffectiveness exhausting the pitching depth at the major league level, General Manager Ned Colletti plans to watch the Dodgers' triple-A Albuquerque affiliate in person next week.

The Dodgers announced Saturday swingman Paul Maholm would miss the rest of the season after tearing a knee ligament in Friday's game. Maholm was the backup plan for Dan Haren, who has failed to complete six innings in his last five starts, and Josh Beckett, who is trying to pitch through a hip injury.

On Saturday, before the Dodgers defeated the Chicago Cubs, 5-2, in 12 innings on Hanley Ramirez's homer, Colletti said the injury to Maholm had not really changed his strategy for August.

The Dodgers needed pitching before Maholm got hurt, so they already had interest in waiver claims and in evaluating their minor league pitchers.

"We're still in the same boat," Colletti said. "We're still trying to make sure we have enough pitching."

Maholm might not have performed with excellence — he had a 4.84 earned-run average, including a 6.14 ERA since the All-Star break — but he ate up innings, as a fill-in for the injured Clayton Kershaw in April and as the Dodgers' only true long reliever.

"Losing Paul is huge," catcher A.J. Ellis said. "He's a valuable swingman who can do so many different things. It's a huge void we have to fill."

Maholm's injury deprived the Dodgers of the most logical replacement for Haren, in the event of a change in the starting rotation. Manager Don Mattingly said he plans to give Haren another start Wednesday against the Angels. Haren has a 6.52 ERA in his last 11 starts, including a 10.03 ERA in his last five.

"I don't feel like we're a whole lot different than any other team out there, when you get to your fourth and fifth guys," Mattingly said. "I'll take my chances with Danny at this point."

Mattingly said Haren puts forth his best effort every time out and is willing to "take a bullet for the team" and eat up innings even when he is not at his best, to help preserve the pitching staff.

"Is that still good enough at this point?" Mattingly said. "Right now, he's starting."

With the need for depth at the back end of the rotation and in long relief, the Dodgers are expected to evaluate Lee, fellow Albuquerque right-handers Patterson and Carlos Frias, and double-A Chattanooga left-hander Chris Reed.

Lee went 10-10 with a 3.22 ERA at Chattanooga last season, with 35 walks and 131 strikeouts in 143 innings. He is 6-10 with a 5.22 ERA at Albuquerque this season, with 44 walks and 77 strikeouts in 119 innings.

While the Dodgers do not get overly worried about a pitcher giving up home runs in Albuquerque, they do fret about pitchers that struggle to throw strikes, there or anywhere. Lee has a 7.00 ERA in his last seven starts, with 19 walks in 36 innings.

"He is 22 years old in the Pacific Coast League," Colletti said. "That's a pretty good step. We knew this year would be a challenge for him, but we wanted to move him up. He has the competitiveness and personality [to handle it]. We thought there might be a bump in the road here and there."

bill.shaikin@latimes.com

Twitter: @BillShaikin

Copyright © 2014, Los Angeles Times
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Hanley Ramirez, Matt Kemp homer as Dodgers beat Cubs, 5-2

KEY MOMENT: Hanley Ramirez hit the first walkoff home run of his career, a three-run shot with two out in the 12th inning. A gentle but persistent rain lasted through extra innings, with fans treated to the rare sight of a Dodger Stadium grounds crew pouring drying agents on the mound, around the bases and in the batter's box. The last rainout at Dodger Stadium: April 17, 2000.

AT THE PLATE: Matt Kemp hit a home run, his fourth in five games. Andre Ethier has struck out in every at-bat since July 22 — all four of them.

ON THE MOUND: Hyun-Jin Ryu gave up one run in the first inning and shut out the Cubs for the next six innings.

WHO'S ON FIRST: With Adrian Gonzalez out of the starting lineup and Scott Van Slyke in center field, the Dodgers gave the start at first base to Justin Turner, their vertically challenged and red-headed utilityman. "Not tall enough," shortstop Ramirez joked. "Look for the red," Turner responded with a laugh. Turner, generously listed by the Dodgers as 6 feet tall, started 17 games at first base over the previous two seasons, for the New York Mets.

AND MORE: The Dodgers put left-handed swingman Paul Maholm on the disabled list because of a torn knee ligament and recalled left-handed reliever Paco Rodriguez from triple-A Albuquerque. Maholm is out for the season; the knee could require reconstructive surgery. … Catcher A.J. Ellis (sore right knee) did not play Saturday and is questionable for Sunday Yasiel Puig went back to first base standing rather than sliding on a pickoff attempt and was picked off.

UP NEXT: The Dodgers' Josh Beckett (6-5, 2.74) faces the Cubs' Edwin Jackson (5-11, 5.79) on Sunday at 1 p.m. at Dodger Stadium. TV: SportsNet LA. Radio: 570, 1020.

—Bill Shaikin

Copyright © 2014, Los Angeles Times
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Late push by House GOP produces a border bill (with bleak prospects)

Written By kolimtiga on Sabtu, 02 Agustus 2014 | 16.38

House Republicans went overtime Friday, expending an enormous amount of political energy to try to reach consensus on a border-crisis measure that is almost certain never to become law.

The last-minute push came as lawmakers were about to head into a five-week summer break with little to show constituents for their efforts to respond to the humanitarian crisis along the Southwestern border — a reminder of why congressional approval ratings are at all-time lows.

After a Friday night session, the House approved, 223 to 189, a $694-million emergency border package on a largely party-line vote. Loath to go home having done so little on an issue that has roused partisan passions, lawmakers also approved a bill to end a White House program that gives temporary legal status to many young immigrants brought illegally to the U.S. as children.

But the tangle over the border legislation gave President Obama another opportunity to complain that even when he tries to work with the legislative branch, Republican-on-Republican infighting gets in the way.

"They're not even trying to actually solve the problem," Obama said during an afternoon news conference as House GOP leaders struggled to muster votes for a package to provide emergency funding. "That means while they're out on vacation I'm going to have to make some tough choices to meet the challenge — with or without Congress."

But to win over the conservative wing of his party, House Speaker John A. Boehner (R-Ohio) adopted a tougher approach toward immigrants and threw in $35 million to compensate states — namely, Republican-led Texas — that have dispatched the National Guard to the border.

While Friday night's success in the House may mark a political achievement for the GOP, it won't do much to resolve the emergency because, like so much of the work in Congress these days, the House and Senate are moving in opposite directions. Democrats in the Senate oppose the GOP approach, and left town Thursday, unable to pass their own bill over Republican objections.

Instead, what won approval in Congress in the final days were scaled-down versions of must-pass legislation — the bare basics needed to avert a deeper crisis and keep the lights on for the routine business of government.

For example, lawmakers sent a $16.3-billion VA reform bill to the president, but only after whistle-blowers had exposed a series of problems at Veterans Affairs medical facilities that produced excessive wait times for care.

Sorely needed federal highway funding was extended to avoid the prospect of road projects being disrupted across the nation. But Congress could agree to only a 10-month patch, far from the sweeping infrastructure investment experts say is needed to bolster the economy and repair the nation's neglected roads and bridges.

"Temporary fixes are not enough," said Peter McLaughlin, a county commissioner in Hennepin, Minn., and the chairman of the transportation committee at the National Assn. of Counties. "Counties are doing everything we can, and we urge our partners on the Hill to stop kicking the can down the road."

On nonemergency items, little progress was made on most of Congress' to-do list, including a bill to curtail National Security Agency spying on Americans and a renewal of the Export-Import Bank, which major U.S. manufacturers say is vital to staying competitive in the global economy.

Even approval of the new U.S. ambassador to Russia was temporarily stalled late Thursday in a partisan Senate dispute before cooler heads prevailed.

"This is chaos none of us have ever seen before," said Rep. Jim McDermott (D-Wash.), who was a state legislator before coming to Congress more than 25 years ago.

Part of the problem is the upcoming midterm election, which creates a climate in which lawmakers are reluctant to cast tough votes that could be used against them in 30-second attack ads. But more deeply, the gridlock in Washington is rooted in a deep partisan divide that has rendered legislating less the "art of compromise," as Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-Nev.) often calls his line of work, and more a contact sport of "gotcha" politics.

The border bill devolved quickly from a proposal to provide emergency relief to the agencies handling the crush of migrant children who have arrived unaccompanied at the U.S.-Mexico border in recent months. Republicans blamed Obama's immigration policies for enticing the youngsters to the U.S., and Democrats pointed fingers at Republicans for failing to engage in broader immigration reform that could stem illegal crossings.

"This is 100% man-made disaster by the president of the United States," said Rep. John Fleming (R-La.). "This is Obama's nightmare. By us jumping in, we're making his nightmare our nightmare."

Republican lawmakers and aides worked late Thursday — after leaders abruptly canceled a vote when it became clear they didn't have support — and through the day Friday to tweak the proposals to attract broader support. Some called that process a textbook example of consensus building, "as messy as it appeared," said Rep. Steve Womack (R-Ark.), a former mayor. Others grumbled that Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Texas), a potential presidential hopeful, had stoked party infighting by mobilizing opposition to the measure.

The additional $35 million added to reimburse states for deploying National Guard troops on the border would directly aid Republican Gov. Rick Perry of Texas, another potential presidential contender and the only border-state governor to have enlisted the Guard.

Additionally, the new Republican proposal would toughen rules regarding child migrants to send most of them back to their home countries without judicial hearings. Lawmakers also approved a companion bill, 216 to 192, that would halt Obama's Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program, which has provided legal status for 500,000 young people, the so-called Dreamers, who were brought to the U.S. illegally as children.

"We're looking at the most anti-Hispanic Congress in generations," said Rep. Joe Garcia (D-Fla.).

Even the threat of border agencies running out of money could not spur Congress to compromise. Several lawmakers voiced dismay.

"The unfortunate part — and why I'm leaving this place — is we always wait for the last minute to solve it," said Rep. Jon Runyan (R-N.J.), who is retiring after two terms. "We saw the train come over the horizon ... two months ago, and now you're standing here in front of it."

lisa.mascaro@latimes.com

Michael A. Memoli and Kathleen Hennessey in the Washington bureau contributed to this report.

Copyright © 2014, Los Angeles Times

This report has been revised throughout for updates and additional details. It was originally posted at 6:16 p.m.


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Late push by House GOP produces a border bill (with bleak prospects)

House Republicans went overtime Friday, expending an enormous amount of political energy to try to reach consensus on a border-crisis measure that is almost certain never to become law.

The last-minute push came as lawmakers were about to head into a five-week summer break with little to show constituents for their efforts to respond to the humanitarian crisis along the Southwestern border — a reminder of why congressional approval ratings are at all-time lows.

After a Friday night session, the House approved, 223 to 189, a $694-million emergency border package on a largely party-line vote. Loath to go home having done so little on an issue that has roused partisan passions, lawmakers also approved a bill to end a White House program that gives temporary legal status to many young immigrants brought illegally to the U.S. as children.

But the tangle over the border legislation gave President Obama another opportunity to complain that even when he tries to work with the legislative branch, Republican-on-Republican infighting gets in the way.

"They're not even trying to actually solve the problem," Obama said during an afternoon news conference as House GOP leaders struggled to muster votes for a package to provide emergency funding. "That means while they're out on vacation I'm going to have to make some tough choices to meet the challenge — with or without Congress."

But to win over the conservative wing of his party, House Speaker John A. Boehner (R-Ohio) adopted a tougher approach toward immigrants and threw in $35 million to compensate states — namely, Republican-led Texas — that have dispatched the National Guard to the border.

While Friday night's success in the House may mark a political achievement for the GOP, it won't do much to resolve the emergency because, like so much of the work in Congress these days, the House and Senate are moving in opposite directions. Democrats in the Senate oppose the GOP approach, and left town Thursday, unable to pass their own bill over Republican objections.

Instead, what won approval in Congress in the final days were scaled-down versions of must-pass legislation — the bare basics needed to avert a deeper crisis and keep the lights on for the routine business of government.

For example, lawmakers sent a $16.3-billion VA reform bill to the president, but only after whistle-blowers had exposed a series of problems at Veterans Affairs medical facilities that produced excessive wait times for care.

Sorely needed federal highway funding was extended to avoid the prospect of road projects being disrupted across the nation. But Congress could agree to only a 10-month patch, far from the sweeping infrastructure investment experts say is needed to bolster the economy and repair the nation's neglected roads and bridges.

"Temporary fixes are not enough," said Peter McLaughlin, a county commissioner in Hennepin, Minn., and the chairman of the transportation committee at the National Assn. of Counties. "Counties are doing everything we can, and we urge our partners on the Hill to stop kicking the can down the road."

On nonemergency items, little progress was made on most of Congress' to-do list, including a bill to curtail National Security Agency spying on Americans and a renewal of the Export-Import Bank, which major U.S. manufacturers say is vital to staying competitive in the global economy.

Even approval of the new U.S. ambassador to Russia was temporarily stalled late Thursday in a partisan Senate dispute before cooler heads prevailed.

"This is chaos none of us have ever seen before," said Rep. Jim McDermott (D-Wash.), who was a state legislator before coming to Congress more than 25 years ago.

Part of the problem is the upcoming midterm election, which creates a climate in which lawmakers are reluctant to cast tough votes that could be used against them in 30-second attack ads. But more deeply, the gridlock in Washington is rooted in a deep partisan divide that has rendered legislating less the "art of compromise," as Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-Nev.) often calls his line of work, and more a contact sport of "gotcha" politics.

The border bill devolved quickly from a proposal to provide emergency relief to the agencies handling the crush of migrant children who have arrived unaccompanied at the U.S.-Mexico border in recent months. Republicans blamed Obama's immigration policies for enticing the youngsters to the U.S., and Democrats pointed fingers at Republicans for failing to engage in broader immigration reform that could stem illegal crossings.

"This is 100% man-made disaster by the president of the United States," said Rep. John Fleming (R-La.). "This is Obama's nightmare. By us jumping in, we're making his nightmare our nightmare."

Republican lawmakers and aides worked late Thursday — after leaders abruptly canceled a vote when it became clear they didn't have support — and through the day Friday to tweak the proposals to attract broader support. Some called that process a textbook example of consensus building, "as messy as it appeared," said Rep. Steve Womack (R-Ark.), a former mayor. Others grumbled that Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Texas), a potential presidential hopeful, had stoked party infighting by mobilizing opposition to the measure.

The additional $35 million added to reimburse states for deploying National Guard troops on the border would directly aid Republican Gov. Rick Perry of Texas, another potential presidential contender and the only border-state governor to have enlisted the Guard.

Additionally, the new Republican proposal would toughen rules regarding child migrants to send most of them back to their home countries without judicial hearings. Lawmakers also approved a companion bill, 216 to 192, that would halt Obama's Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program, which has provided legal status for 500,000 young people, the so-called Dreamers, who were brought to the U.S. illegally as children.

"We're looking at the most anti-Hispanic Congress in generations," said Rep. Joe Garcia (D-Fla.).

Even the threat of border agencies running out of money could not spur Congress to compromise. Several lawmakers voiced dismay.

"The unfortunate part — and why I'm leaving this place — is we always wait for the last minute to solve it," said Rep. Jon Runyan (R-N.J.), who is retiring after two terms. "We saw the train come over the horizon ... two months ago, and now you're standing here in front of it."

lisa.mascaro@latimes.com

Michael A. Memoli and Kathleen Hennessey in the Washington bureau contributed to this report.

Copyright © 2014, Los Angeles Times

This report has been revised throughout for updates and additional details. It was originally posted at 6:16 p.m.


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Dodgers suffer a rotational error as Dan Haren rocked in loss to Cubs

Dan Haren's performance alone was reason for the Dodgers to be alarmed. Turns out that was only the start.

The Dodgers' season-long winning streak ended at six games Friday night with an 8-2 defeat to the last-place Chicago Cubs that unfolded like a full-scale nightmare. Yasiel Puig and Adrian Gonzalez hurt themselves sliding home. Left-hander Paul Maholm also made an early departure from the lopsided loss, as he went down clutching his right leg after covering first base.

The Dodgers downplayed Puig's and Gonzalez's injuries, saying Puig was removed from the game as a precaution and Gonzalez was listed as day-to-day.

Puig felt discomfort in his left hamstring in the wake of an unnecessary sixth-inning play that reduced the Dodgers' deficit from seven runs to six. He was on second base when Hanley Ramirez hit a grounder to third baseman Luis Valbuena, who flipped the ball to second base for the force out. As second baseman Arismendy Alcantara threw to first in an unsuccessful attempt to get Ramirez and complete a double play, Puig charged home. Puig reached the plate around the same time as the ball, but he managed to evade the glove of catcher Welington Castillo and scored.

Puig didn't return to the field.

Gonzalez was hurt in the first inning, also on a sequence that started with a grounder hit by Ramirez. Dee Gordon, who was on third base, scored. Gonzalez, who was on first base, tried to do the same after Cubs shortstop Starlin Castro made an errant throw to second that ended up rolling down the right-field line.

Gonzalez was not only thrown out at the plate on the play, he also bruised his right knee. He was replaced by Scott Van Slyke in the top of the third inning.

But the real problems were on the mound.

The Dodgers turned to Haren again, a day after they were unable to acquire a starting pitcher before the non-waiver trade deadline.

Nothing about the start indicated Haren was about to return to his solid early-season form. Over 41/3 mostly laborious innings, Haren was charged with seven runs, including six that were earned. He served up eight hits, among them a solo home run by Valbuena in the second inning. The homer was the 20th allowed by Haren in his last 15 games.

The Cubs scored three times in the third inning to move in front, 4-1. Haren wasn't entirely to blame, as the inning included a throwing error by Matt Kemp.

Haren was replaced by Chris Perez in the fifth, with his pitch count at 93.

In his last five starts, all losses, Haren has allowed 26 earned runs in 231/3 innings.

What Perez did served as a reminder of another problem the Dodgers failed to address at the deadline. Perez inherited three runners from Haren and all scored.

Haren's uninspiring start became more of a problem in the seventh inning, when Maholm went down.

Maholm has started only once in the last two months, but would be the likely replacement in the rotation if the Haren or Josh Beckett is removed. Beckett has been pitching with an injured hip.

Maholm was able to walk off the field, but immediately disappeared into the clubhouse. Brian Wilson pitched the next inning.

dylan.hernandez@latimes.com

Twitter: @dylanohernandez

Copyright © 2014, Los Angeles Times
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Oakland Athletics, Detroit Tigers add top pitchers

Written By kolimtiga on Jumat, 01 Agustus 2014 | 16.38

The Chicago White Sox had the bases loaded, with Gordon Beckham at bat. The count was two balls and two strikes. The Detroit Tigers suddenly decided to make a change — not at pitcher, but in center field.

The Tigers were frantic about it. Their general manager was in the dugout, on the phone with the commissioner's office. If the Tigers could not get Austin Jackson out of center field in the final minutes before Thursday's trade deadline, they could not complete a trade for David Price.

"You've gotta get Austin off the field!" General Manager Dave Dombrowski yelled, according to reports from Detroit. "You've gotta get Austin off the field!"

Brad Ausmus, the Tigers' manager, hurriedly sent Rajai Davis out to center field. Jackson rushed toward the dugout.

Dombrowski celebrated by sending a mischievous text message to Billy Beane, the general manager of the Oakland Athletics. Beane had started the day by trading for Jon Lester and now, with the deadline a few ticks away, Dombrowski had countered by trading for Price.

"You have 1 minute to acquire Chris Sale," Dombrowski jokingly texted Beane, according to mlb.com.

Sale remains the ace of the Chicago White Sox. However, the A's had added the ace of the Boston Red Sox to the deepest starting rotation in the American League, and the Tigers had added the ace of the Tampa Bay Rays to a rotation that now boasts the last three AL Cy Young Award winners.

Would the A's and Tigers have made the playoffs without Thursday's trades? Of course, but that was not the point. After all, the Dodgers appear headed to the playoffs too.

"The question that we asked ourselves is, 'What gives us the best chance of winning a world championship this year?'" Dombrowski said.

That is what drove the A's and Tigers on Thursday, to the detriment of the Angels and to the possible detriment of the Dodgers.

The Angels could do nothing about Lester or Price. They already had made the best moves they could, with the modest organizational talent they had, in acquiring relievers Huston Street, Joe Thatcher and Jason Grilli.

If this season is about getting back to October for the Angels, good enough. If this season is about playing deep into October, probably not good enough.

The Angels' best pitcher, Garrett Richards, 26, has thrown 144 innings this season, 13 shy of his major league career high. None of the other starters — Jered Weaver, C.J. Wilson, Tyler Skaggs, Hector Santiago or Matt Shoemaker — is significantly better than a league-average pitcher, according to ERA+ statistics that adjust for league and ballpark factors.

The Angels are two games behind the A's in the American League West. If whichever team loses the division wins the wild-card playoff game, the division series could feature the Angels against the A's, and against a rotation with Lester, Sonny Gray, Jeff Samardzija and Scott Kamzir, all well above league average. Of course, the Angels would find it easier to outslug an Oakland team without two-time Home Run Derby champ Yoenis Cespedes, who was sent to Boston for Lester.

If the Angels were to beat the A's, they would advance to the AL Championship Series — perhaps against the Tigers, with Max Scherzer, Justin Verlander, Anibal Sanchez and now Price. In that rotation, Verlander is the weak link. No kidding.

The Dodgers had the minor league talent to get Price, and they decided keeping that talent was a higher priority than giving themselves the best chance to win the World Series this year. They are terrified of getting too old and too brittle, too fast. They want to imitate the New York Yankees of the last decade, not this one.

The Dodgers still like their chance at the World Series, with Clayton Kershaw, Zack Greinke and Hyun-Jin Ryu atop their starting rotation.

"I'd be willing to stack our three guys against anybody else's top three," Dodgers Manager Don Mattingly said.

There is no rotation in the National League that goes four deep, at least not with the quality of the quartets in Oakland and Detroit.

If the Dodgers face either one in the World Series, well, the Dodgers will be in the World Series for the first time since 1988.

That was the Series the Dodgers won with Mickey Hatcher, Jeff Hamilton, Franklin Stubbs, Rick Dempsey and John Shelby in the lineup for the clincher. If the Dodgers' biggest problem this season turns out to be a starter for Game4 of the World Series, we can live with that.

Follow Bill Shaikin on Twitter @BillShaikin

Copyright © 2014, Los Angeles Times
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Oakland Athletics, Detroit Tigers add top pitchers

'Guardians of the Galaxy's' heroes aren't what you'd expect

Kenneth Turan

Hard as it is to believe, within the memory of those still living, Marvel was not always the movie establishment's billion-dollar behemoth but a scrappy, iconoclastic comic book gadfly. So one of the most pleasant surprises of the altogether pleasant and surprising "Guardians of the Galaxy"...


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Oakland Athletics, Detroit Tigers add top pitchers

'Guardians of the Galaxy's' heroes aren't what you'd expect

Kenneth Turan

Hard as it is to believe, within the memory of those still living, Marvel was not always the movie establishment's billion-dollar behemoth but a scrappy, iconoclastic comic book gadfly. So one of the most pleasant surprises of the altogether pleasant and surprising "Guardians of the Galaxy"...


16.38 | 0 komentar | Read More

State Department: 'No American is proud' of CIA tactics

Written By kolimtiga on Kamis, 31 Juli 2014 | 16.38

WASHINGTON — The State Department has endorsed the broad conclusions of a harshly critical Senate report on the CIA's interrogation and detention practices after the 9/11 attacks, a report that accuses the agency of brutally treating terror suspects and misleading Congress, according to a White House document.

"This report tells a story of which no American is proud," says the four-page White House document, which contains the State Department's preliminary proposed talking points in response to the classified Senate report, a summary of which is expected to be released in the coming weeks.

"But it is also part of another story of which we can be proud," adds the document, which was circulating this week among White House officials and which the White House accidentally emailed to an Associated Press reporter. "America's democratic system worked just as it was designed to work in bringing an end to actions inconsistent with our democratic values."

It's not clear who wrote the document or how influential it will be in tailoring the Obama administration's ultimate response to an investigation that has been the subject of bitter disputes. It is common practice for the White House to solicit talking points from key agencies involved in responding to a major news event, which the release of the Senate report will be.

The Senate report concludes that CIA's techniques on al-Qaida detainees captured after the 2001 attacks were far more brutal than previously understood. The tactics failed to produce life-saving intelligence, the report asserts, and the CIA misled Congress and the Justice Department about the interrogation program.

Current and former CIA officials hotly dispute those findings, as do some Senate Republicans. The fight over the report has poisoned the relationship between the CIA and Democrats on the Senate Intelligence Committee, and left the White House in a delicate position. President Barack Obama has branded some CIA techniques torture and ordered them stopped, but he also relies heavily on the spy agency, which still employs hundreds of people who were involved in some way in the interrogation program.

The report does not draw the legal conclusion that the CIA's actions constituted torture, though it makes clear that in some cases they amounted to torture by a common definition, two people who have read the report said. They spoke on condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to discuss the still-classified document publicly by name.

The Senate report, the State Department proposes to say, "leaves no doubt that the methods used to extract information from some terrorist suspects caused profound pain, suffering and humiliation. It also leaves no doubt that the harm caused by the use of these techniques outweighed any potential benefit."

Those methods included slapping, humiliation, exposure to cold, sleep deprivation and the near-drowning technique known as waterboarding.

The White House document is significant because it also reveals some of the State Department's concerns about how the CIA's tactics will be portrayed around the world.

The document lists a series of questions that appear to be designed to gauge what reporters, members of Congress and others might ask about the Obama administration's response to the Senate report. The document focuses in particular on the State Department's role.

"Doesn't the report make clear that at least some who authorized or participated in the RDI program committed crimes?" the document asks, referring to the program's formal internal name, the Rendition, Detention and Interrogation program. "Will the Justice Department revisit its decision not to prosecute anyone?"

And: "Until now the (U.S. government) has avoided conceding that the techniques used in the RDI program constituted torture. Now that the report is released is the White House prepared to concede that people were tortured?"

The document also says, "Isn't it clear that the CIA engaged in torture as defined in the Torture Convention?"

The document also sheds new light on what the Senate report says about the State Department's role in the CIA interrogation program.

It concludes that the agency initially kept the secretary of state and some U.S. ambassadors in the dark about harsh techniques and secret prisons, according to the document.

The report also says some ambassadors who were informed about interrogations of al-Qaida detainees at so-called black sites in their countries were instructed not to tell their superiors at the State Department, the document says.

A congressional official who has read the Senate report confirmed that it makes the findings outlined in the document. A former senior CIA official said the secretary of state at the time, Colin Powell, eventually was informed about the program and sat in meetings in which harsh interrogation techniques were discussed. But Powell may not have been read in when the techniques were first used in 2002, the official said. Powell canot comment on a document he hasn't seen, a spokeswoman said Wednesday.

The former CIA official said it would be standard practice for ambassadors informed about a covert operation to be instructed not to share it with others who did not have a "need to know," as determined by the National Security Council. Ambassadors in countries in which the CIA set up black sites to interrogate prisoners were usually told about it, said the official, who, like others interviewed for this story, would not be quoted by name because some of the information remained classified.

It's not clear exactly which U.S. officials knew about the practices at the time they began.

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