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Tests found major flaws in parolee GPS monitoring devices

Written By kolimtiga on Minggu, 31 Maret 2013 | 16.38

A little more than a year ago, California quietly began conducting tests on the GPS monitoring devices that track the movements of thousands of sex offenders.

The results were alarming.

Corrections officials found the devices used in half the state were so inaccurate and unreliable that the public was "in imminent danger."

Batteries died early, cases cracked, reported locations were off by as much as three miles. Officials also found that tampering alerts failed and offenders were able to disappear by covering the devices with foil, deploying illegal GPS jammers or ducking into cars or buildings.

The state abruptly ordered parole agents to remove every ankle monitor in use from north of Los Angeles to the Oregon border. In their place, they strapped on devices made by a different manufacturer — a mass migration that left California's criminal tracking system not operational for several hours.

The test results provide a glimpse of the blind spots in electronic monitoring, even as those systems are promoted to law enforcement agencies as a safe alternative to incarceration. The flaws in the equipment raise the question of whether the state can deliver what Jessica's Law promised when voters approved it in 2006: round-the-clock tracking of serious sex offenders.

In a lawsuit over the state's GPS contracting, corrections attorneys persuaded a judge to seal information about the failures, arguing that test results could show criminals how to avoid being tracked and give parole violators grounds to appeal convictions.

The information, they warned, would "erode public trust" in electronic monitoring programs. The devices, they said, deter crime only if offenders believe their locations are being tracked every minute.

"The more reliable the devices are believed to be, the less likely a parolee may be to attempt to defeat the system," GPS program director Denise Milano wrote in a court statement.

State officials say the replacement devices have largely resolved the problems, but officials so far have refused to release test data showing what, if any, improvements were gained.

Through interviews and by comparing censored documents obtained from multiple sources, The Times was able to piece together most of what the state persuaded the courts to black out.

GPS tracking devices are designed to alert authorities if the wearer tampers with the device, tries to flee or strays too close to a school or other forbidden area. Currently, 7,900 high-risk California parolees and felons — most of them sex offenders or gang members — wear the devices strapped to their ankles.

The monitors work by picking up signals from GPS satellites and transmitting the location information by cellular networks to a central computer. Just like GPS devices used by drivers or hikers, the monitors can fail where buildings block signals or where cell reception is spotty.

But that is not the monitoring system's sole vulnerability: A Times investigation in February found that thousands of child molesters, rapists and other high-risk parolees were removing or disarming their tracking devices — often with little risk of serving time for it because California's jails are too full to hold them.

The state's testing was conducted as part of a winner-take-all contest for the nation's largest electronic monitoring contract, worth more than $51 million over six years. Industry experts said they were the most exhaustive field trials they had seen.

When statewide monitoring began in 2008, California split the work between a division of 3M Co. and Houston-based Satellite Tracking of People, or STOP. The 3M device was used to track some 4,000 parolees in all but six Southern California counties. STOP had the rest of the state, including Los Angeles.

When California later sought to switch to a single provider, 3M came in with the low bid.

For a week in late 2011, parole agents abused both companies' devices. They were dropped four feet onto concrete, wrapped in foil to block their signals and submerged as long as three hours in a swimming pool. Testers allowed batteries to run dead, cut ankle straps and traveled into areas beyond the reach of satellite and cellular phone signals.

Without revealing full details of the tests, officials declared 3M's devices so faulty that the state rejected the company's bid. When 3M protested, Milano began a second round of tests that she said showed 3M's ankle monitors posed a public safety emergency.

The state claimed that 3M's devices failed to meet 46 of 102 field-tested standards for the equipment, although the company said a fourth of the failures occurred because the state had not provided the phone numbers needed to send automated text alerts.


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Town hopes for jobs tapping California's huge oil formation

TAFT, Calif. — This two-stoplight town was built on petroleum, and residents here never miss a chance to pay tribute.

A 38-foot monument to wildcatters stands downtown; locals brag it's the tallest bronze sculpture west of the Mississippi. Every five years, the city throws an "Oildorado" festival. There's even a beauty pageant in which young women dubbed "the maids of petroleum" vie to be crowned queen.

It's all an homage to the bustling days when Taft boasted two giant oil fields and Standard Oil Co. of California was headquartered there. The oil giant left in 1968, jobs dried up, and today the Kern County town is saddled with high unemployment and memories of past glory days.

That could be about to change.

Residents are betting on a second boom from oil trapped miles underground in dense rock formations. It's part of what's called the Monterey Shale, where oil deposits span 1,750 square miles through Southern and Central California.

"Everyone and their dog would be working if they find that oil," said Joe Gonzalez, 53, who began toiling in the oil fields around Taft three decades ago as a roustabout. "It's a huge deal for Taft."

But a key question is: Could these modern-day wildcatters actually squeeze oil out of the rock?

Some believe technology that can reach previously inaccessible oil means it's just a matter of time; others are convinced it's an over-hyped promise.

Oil companies have begun exploring the Monterey Shale underneath towns like Taft that have survived on oil for a century.

More than 15 billion barrels of oil, or two-thirds of the continental United States' total deep-rock deposits, is estimated to be locked in the Monterey, according to the U.S. Energy Information Administration. Extracting it could mean enormous wealth if oil prices stay around $97 a barrel, and could pump billions of dollars into the local economy.

The much smaller Bakken shale formation in North Dakota has fueled a boom that has driven unemployment in the state down to 3.3%, the nation's lowest. Taft's unemployment rate is 13.3%.

But the process is slow going.

"It's not like the old days where you put a straw into the ground, you get a gusher and you dance around," said Tupper Hull, spokesman for the Western States Petroleum Assn., an industry lobbying group. "It's a very complicated process."

Los Angeles-based Occidental Petroleum and Venoco Inc. of Denver, two of the largest stakeholders in the Monterey, have already drilled exploratory wells.

Federal land leases on the shale are going for $500 per acre at auction, up from $2 to $5 per acre just a few years ago, said Gabriel Garcia of the Bureau of Land Management's Bakersfield office.

Economists say tapping the shale would be a big boost for the Central Valley, which depends heavily on agriculture and petroleum. By 2015, California could see half a million new jobs and $4.5 billion in oil-related tax revenue, according to a USC study.

"It's not the muckety-mucks, the higher-ups, who live here," said Kathy Orrin, executive director of the Taft Chamber of Commerce. "It's the people in cowboy boots and cowboy hats and Wranglers — and they can make a good living in the oil industry."

Around noon in Taft, oil workers in dusty coveralls park trucks outside the few lunch spots in town: the OT Cookhouse & Saloon, where black-and-white photos of California's first gushers line the walls; Jo's Restaurant, where diners sit below painted oil derricks and fields; and a Tex-Mex place.

Rick McCostlin, 45, thinks jobs could come back and revive Taft. Another oil boom might even attract some of the locals who fled to better-paying gigs in North Dakota's oil fields.


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Labor, business leaders reach wage plan for immigrant workers

WASHINGTON — Labor and business leaders have agreed to a plan for setting wages for a new category of low-skilled immigrant workers, possibly ending a scuffle that delayed negotiations in the Senate over a sweeping plan to overhaul the country's immigration system, officials involved said.

Senators drafting the bill are reviewing the compromise worked out Friday by representatives from the AFL-CIO and the U.S. Chamber of Commerce. But the breakthrough may put the bipartisan group of eight senators on track to unveil a bill soon after Congress returns from recess on April 8.

"We are very close — closer than we've ever been," Sen. Charles E. Schumer (D-N.Y.), who has been brokering discussions between labor and business leaders, said Friday in a statement about the Senate talks. "We are very optimistic but there are a few issues remaining."

AFL-CIO President Richard Trumka and U.S. Chamber of Commerce President and Chief Executive Thomas J. Donohue told Schumer in a phone call late Friday that they had reached an agreement, said an official who asked not to be identified, as did two others who spoke about the closed-door negotiations.

The union organization and chamber were asked by the senators in December to design a new foreign worker program that would satisfy labor shortages in the U.S. while protecting the rights of U.S. and incoming foreign workers.

The senators working on the compromise bill could not be reached Saturday. But the deal triggered a response from a key senator who opposes efforts to expand the number of work visas.

"Every American worker, union and nonunion, is right to be concerned about a large guest worker program combined with a large amnesty of illegal workers," said Sen. Jeff Sessions (R-Ala.), a senior member of the Judiciary Committee, which will review any immigration overhaul bill. "There is no doubt that such a plan will reduce Americans' wages and job prospects."

The senators — four Democrats and four Republicans — have spent four months drafting a bill that is intended to appeal to lawmakers in both parties. The comprehensive proposal would make dramatic changes in the nation's immigration system, including the new visa program and a path to citizenship for the estimated 11 million illegal immigrants in the country.

A dispute between the labor and business negotiators flared up earlier this month over how much to pay immigrant workers in low-skill jobs such as landscaping, meatpacking and housekeeping. The impasse threatened to derail the talks and caused the senators to push back plans to finish writing the bill by the end of March.

Labor leaders wanted to ensure that the salaries of foreign workers would not depress the wages of Americans doing the same job in the same part of the country. The chamber was concerned that if employers were required to pay too much, businesses would not use the program and would continue to hire illegal immigrants.

After heated discussions last week, the two sides agreed that employers would pay the equivalent of either the actual wages paid to American workers or the prevailing wages, whichever was higher. The prevailing wage for a job is determined by the Bureau of Labor Statistics based on city, experience and training.

The workers would be admitted under a new class of visa, called the W visa. The current work visa programs are widely seen as inefficient and cumbersome to use.

Under the proposal, the number of visas issued each year would be determined by a formula based on job demand, unemployment numbers and other data. A new bureau likely based at U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services would be in charge of the visa allocation.

The number of visas could start at 20,000 the first year and move up or down based on job demand and unemployment levels. The program would be capped at 200,000 visas.

"Ultimately, the final decisions will be made by the senators involved," Randel Johnson, a senior vice president at the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, said in a statement.

If the senators don't agree to the proposal, labor and business leaders will have to go back to the negotiating table.

brian.bennett@latimes.com


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Mistrial declared in 5-year-old's Halloween killing in 2010

Written By kolimtiga on Sabtu, 30 Maret 2013 | 16.38

A judge declared a mistrial Friday after a jury failed to reach a verdict in the case of an alleged gang member accused of fatally shooting a 5-year-old boy who was in a Spider-Man costume on Halloween.

Los Angeles Superior Court Judge Bob S. Bowers Jr. dismissed the jury after it deadlocked 9 to 3 in favor of convicting Leonard Hall Jr. in the slaying of Aaron Shannon Jr. The jury had been deliberating since Wednesday.

Aaron was fatally shot Oct. 31, 2010, as he showed off his new costume in the backyard of his great-grandmother's South Los Angeles duplex. A bullet fired from the alley behind the residence struck Aaron in the head. He died at a hospital the next day.

Prosecutors alleged that Hall, then 21, and Marcus Denson, then 18, were gang members who had crossed into a rival gang's territory, looking to shoot somebody. A spokeswoman for the district attorney's office said prosecutors plan to retry Hall but declined further comment. Denson earlier had pleaded guilty to two counts of attempted murder and one count of voluntary manslaughter. He is awaiting sentencing.

After the mistrial was declared, Aaron's grandfather said he was optimistic that justice ultimately would be served.

"In my heart and my mind, I'm sure that's the right guy," said William Shannon, who suffered a graze wound to the arm during the shooting and testified at trial. A few days after the shooting, Shannon said, he identified Hall from a group of photographs shown by police.

"I think the system is fair," Shannon said. "The thing is, the wheels of justice turn slowly. I understand that. My family understands that."

Shannon said Aaron was his only grandson, and he had bought the Spider-Man costume for the child.

The mistrial was a source of relief, at least temporarily, for Hall's mother, who said she was thankful her son wasn't convicted.

"I'm glad God was in there," said Deborah Mosby, clutching a green pocket Bible. "God knows he didn't do it."

Mosby said her son was wrongly accused and that "there have been nothing but lies coming out." She said that authorities just wanted to pin the murder on somebody and that Hall was not at the scene. The case has been "tainted from Day One," she said.

A key witness for the prosecution was Denson, who testified that Hall was the shooter.

Hall attorney Carol J. Ojo said that Denson set up her client to take the blame and that the two men never got along.

"Denson's a liar," Ojo said. "Denson was trying to protect himself from the beginning."

Ojo said that the evidence suggests that "Mr. Denson was the actual shooter." She alleged that detectives coerced witnesses to identify Hall.

Ojo said Hall "understood how difficult this case would be. When a child is involved, the emotional pull is very hard to overcome."

If convicted on all charges, Hall could face a maximum sentence of life in prison with the possibility of parole, according to the district attorney's office. He remains in custody in lieu of $4 million bond.

hailey.branson@latimes.com


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Endorsements help define Garcetti and Greuel

Since winning spots in the mayoral runoff, Eric Garcetti and Wendy Greuel have been scurrying around Los Angeles rolling out new endorsements as they seek to gain an edge in what is expected to be a tight, low-turnout election.

In statewide and national races, many endorsements are seen as little more than window dressing. But political observers say that in this mayoral contest, some nods could play an outsized role, both in differentiating two Democrats who are similar in many ways and in determining who goes to the polls in an election that few voters appear to care about.

"This is an unusual election because I think the endorsers seem to be acting as a surrogate for the candidates. I don't know that I've seen that to this degree before," said Raphael J. Sonenshein, executive director of the Edmund G. "Pat" Brown Institute of Public Affairs at Cal State L.A. "I think that's because the candidates have not quite defined themselves clearly.… The surrogates are probably better known and better defined than the candidates."

FULL COVERAGE: L.A. mayor's race

That may also be because the candidates, since advancing in the March 5 primary, have spent little time publicly engaging each other and their appearances have largely been news conferences to announce new supporters. The decision to focus on endorsements is logical, both to build momentum in a close race and because endorsers who had been waiting for the best time to announce their choices have decided it is now.

Greuel has received the bulk of the blue-chip endorsements, including from former President Clinton, former Mayor Richard Riordan, basketball legend Magic Johnson, county Supervisor Mark Ridley-Thomas and major unions. Garcetti has also received notable backing, including from two failed mayoral candidates who received a total of 20% of the primary vote: Jan Perry and Emanuel Pleitez. He has also received the support of several of his City Council colleagues as well as businessman Steve Soboroff.

Both candidates also have celebrity endorsers, though Garcetti has racked up more Hollywood names, including Will Ferrell, Salma Hayek, Kal Penn and Jimmy Kimmel. Political experts agree that although stars can provide a headline, they don't necessarily pay off at the ballot box.

Garcetti agreed that few endorsements are pivotal.

"Endorsements make headlines, but they rarely move voters.... People haven't voted for some of those endorsements ever, or over a decade," Garcetti said. But "candidates are different, and people who bring supporters and an operation with them are different."

The former mayoral candidates and the sitting council members who support Garcetti know their districts "block by block," a knowledge that will be invaluable to campaign strategists, he said.

Greuel said her endorsements are a key signal for voters because they come from people who know firsthand her leadership skills.

"These are leaders who know my work and my record," she said. "When you have Bill Clinton, who talks about my leadership spearheading the response to the Northridge earthquake, or Magic Johnson, who knows my work in helping South Los Angeles, or Dick Riordan focusing on being business-friendly, those voices explain to people who I am and what kind of leader I'm going to be as the next mayor."

In recent days, the battle has been to win over black leaders as the candidates court the African American community, which is expected to be a pivotal voting bloc. Many black voters supported Perry, so her nod is important for Garcetti, but Greuel's event with Johnson featured a broad cross section of religious, civil rights and elected leaders.

Some argue that labor is the most potent of any endorsement because it can bring with it not only money but foot soldiers to knock on doors, operate phone banks and otherwise prod people to the polls — a necessity after a primary turnout in which only one in five registered voters cast ballots. Though Garcetti has received some labor support, Greuel has received far more, including from heavyweights such as the Los Angeles County Federation of Labor and Service Employees International Union Local 721.

"If you have to take an endorsement of an individual, no matter who that individual is, it could be Pope Emeritus Benedict, versus that organization that actually brings some organizational heft to your effort … clearly you like the latter more," said Garry South, a Democratic operative who is uncommitted in the contest. "Labor endorsements are far more important to Wendy Greuel than President Clinton's endorsement … because they put boots on the ground."

But Greuel's labor backing has been a double-edged sword, because her rivals have painted her as beholden to public-employee unions at a time when Los Angeles is facing financial liabilities in part because of its contracts with city workers.

FULL COVERAGE: L.A. mayor's race

Greuel "is starting to be defined by all those endorsements," said Rob Stutzman, a GOP operative in Sacramento who is backing Greuel. "But that probably means a more powerful grass-roots army for her on election day to help with turnout."

Garcetti's team argues that his supporters are better aligned with union households, and pre-primary polling by The Times and USC did find that he had a narrow edge among households that include a union member.

Greuel counters criticism of her union backing by pointing out her endorsements from business organizations, such as the Los Angeles Area Chamber of Commerce, as proof she can bring together disparate forces to break the "paralysis" at City Hall.

In the coming days and weeks, eyes will be on the handful of major political figures who have yet to weigh in on the runoff, notably county Supervisor Zev Yaroslavsky, Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa, unsuccessful GOP mayoral candidate Kevin James and U.S. Rep. Maxine Waters (D-Los Angeles).

seema.mehta@latimes.com


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MOCA donations declined $270,000 in 2011-12

Donations, the main financial power source for art museums, dropped again in 2011-12 at L.A.'s Museum of Contemporary Art, marking declines in each of the first two years of Jeffrey Deitch's tenure as museum director.

This time, the fall — a $270,000 decline — wasn't as bad as the $4.5-million drop in 2010-11, the first year at the helm for Deitch.

The fundraising figures are part of the audited financial statement MOCA released Friday for the fiscal year that ran from mid-2011 to mid-2012, providing a more up-to-date glimpse of the strained financial conditions that led to the recent swirl of speculation about the downtown museum's future.

The year ended with either a $430,000 surplus, counting only MOCA's regular spending, or a $536,000 deficit, if — as the CPAs who handled the audit did — the hidden estimated cost of wear and tear on the museum's buildings and equipment is factored in.

MOCA's financial hardships had prompted some MOCA trustees to approach the Los Angeles County Museum of Art, which responded about a month ago with an offer to absorb MOCA while keeping its name and two downtown buildings, while raising $100 million as part of the deal.

But the MOCA trustees announced that the museum intends to remain independent and earlier this week embarked on a campaign to build its endowment to $100 million and establish new financial resilience.

MOCA's current endowment, stagnant at slightly less than $20 million during Deitch's first two years of tenure, according to its financial statements, will grow past $60 million when recently received campaign commitments are paid, the museum announced.

Contributions to the museum in 2011-12 totaled $14.6 million, accounting for 82% of revenues, according to the financial statement.

Museum spokeswoman Lyn Winter said attendance for the calendar year 2012 was 218,558, down almost half from about 402,000 in 2011, when it benefited from a record-setting turnout for its "Art in the Streets" survey of the graffiti and street art movement.

Box office income is a comparatively minor factor for art museums; MOCA earned about $1.5 million from admissions and profits from its museum store and cafe operations in 2011-12, down from nearly $2 million the previous year.

Renting out its Geffen Contemporary building to Mercedes-Benz last spring so the automobile company could sponsor a free art, music and food festival helped the bottom line: An earnings category that includes rental income totaled $908,000, up from $139,000 the year before.

The audited financial statement also shows that Google is paying the museum $1.25 million to cover its costs for the MOCAtv YouTube channel that was launched last October. The museum did not say Friday how long a period the money will cover; it said MOCAtv has generated nearly 2.9 million views to date and has 87,000 subscribers.

Meanwhile, MOCA confirmed Friday that the budget for the current 2012-13 fiscal year that ends June 30 is $14.3 million, down from the $17.5 million budget the museum reported in its 2011 financial statement.

That represents the museum's leanest spending since 1998-99, when MOCA also spent $14.3 million — although that much is worth $19.9 million in today's dollars.

Winter declined to say whether projections call for a deficit for the current fiscal year, saying only, "It is our fiduciary responsibility and the goal of the board to operate a fiscally sound museum. We won't speculate about what the specific numbers will be at the end of the current fiscal year."

The statements show that MOCA improved its bottom line if depreciation, an expense that exists only on paper, is overlooked.

The question of whether MOCA had a deficit or ended in the plus column in 2011-12 and the previous year depends on which accountant you talk to, said Gayle Whittemore, a Studio City CPA who does consulting for nonprofit organizations.

Many nonprofit boards look at cash expenses only and ignore depreciation, she said. At MOCA, that would mean a surplus of $430,000 in 2011-12, rather than a deficit of $536,000 if depreciation is counted.

"The goal for any organization is to bring in money to cover its expenses, including depreciation," she said.

If those hidden costs are ignored, Whittemore said, "over a period of time you're probably going to end up with an organization that's cash-strapped" when it's faced with no choice but to pay for the deferred building repairs and new equipment that are accounted for year by year as depreciation.

mike.boehm@latimes.com


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Ten years after Iraq war began, Iran reaps the gains

Written By kolimtiga on Jumat, 29 Maret 2013 | 16.38

BAGHDAD — Ten years after the U.S.-led invasion to oust Iraqi President Saddam Hussein, the geopolitical winner of the war appears to be their common enemy: Iran.

American military forces are long gone, and Iraqi officials say Washington's political influence in Baghdad is now virtually nonexistent. Hussein is dead. But Iran has become an indispensable broker among Baghdad's new Shiite elite, and its influence continues to grow.

The signs are evident in the prominence of pro-Iran militias on the streets, at public celebrations and in the faces of some of those now in the halls of power, men such as Abu Mehdi Mohandis, an Iraqi with a long history of anti-American activity and deep ties to Iran.

During the occupation, U.S. officials accused Mohandis of arranging a supply of Iranian-made bombs to be used against U.S. troops. But now Iraqi officials say Mohandis speaks for Iran here, and Prime Minister Nouri Maliki recently entrusted him with a sensitive domestic political mission.

Iran's role reinforces its strategic position at a time when the world looks increasingly hostile to Tehran, the capital. It faces tough international sanctions for its disputed nuclear program and fears losing longtime ally Syria to an insurgency backed by regional Sunni Muslim rivals.

Western diplomats and Iraqi politicians say they are concerned that the Islamic Republic will be tempted to use proxies in Iraq to strike at its enemies, as it has done with Lebanon-based Hezbollah.

American officials say they remain vital players in Iraq and have worked to defuse tension between Maliki and his foes.

During a visit to Baghdad on Sunday, however, Secretary of State John F. Kerry was unable to persuade Maliki to stop Iranian flights crossing Iraqi airspace to Syria. The U.S. charges that Iranian weapons shipments are key to propping up Syrian President Bashar Assad; Maliki says there is no proof that Tehran is sending anything besides humanitarian aid. Kerry's visit was the first by a U.S. Cabinet official in more than a year.

Overall, Iraqi officials and analysts say, Washington has pursued a policy of near-total disengagement, with policy decisions largely relegated to the embassy in Baghdad. Some tribal leaders complain that the Americans have not contacted them since U.S. troops left in late 2011.

Iraq's political atmosphere has deteriorated. Maliki has ordered the arrest of his former finance minister, a Sunni. Disputes in the north between the central government and leaders of the semiautonomous Kurdish region are unresolved.

"The Americans have no role. Nobody listens to them. They lost their power in this country," said Deputy Prime Minister Saleh Mutlaq, a Sunni, commenting on the disappearance of the Americans as a broker for most of Iraq's disputes.

The vacuum has been filled in large part by Iran and by Iraq's Sunni neighbors, each intent on wielding maximum influence in a country that stands as a buffer between Shiite Iran and the largely Sunni Middle East.

"At the moment, Iran has something akin to veto power in Iraq, in that Maliki is careful not to take decisions that might alienate Iran," said Karim Sadjadpour, an expert on Iran with the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.

An Iraqi Shiite politician who spoke on condition of anonymity because of the sensitivity of the subject, described Iran's objectives this way: "Controlled instability in Iraq and a submissive or sympathetic Islamist Shia government in accord with Iran's regional interests, most importantly regarding Syria."

Maliki turned to Shiite Islamist parties and figures tied to Iran to stay in power after a close election in 2010. He has fended off challenges since then with the support of Iran's supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, who fears the expansion of Sunni power if Syria or Iraq collapses. Maliki has convinced the Iranians that he is the only one who can hold his country together, according to Iraqi politicians.

Iran has forcefully backed quasi-political and military groups in Iraq such as the Badr Organization, Khitab Hezbollah and Asaib al Haq, and encouraged them to support Maliki.

The Badr Organization was funded and trained by Iran's Revolutionary Guard in the 1980s to fight Hussein. Both Khitab Hezbollah and Asaib al Haq have professed their admiration for Khamenei while declaring their ambition to transform themselves into political and social movements.

Leading Iraqi Shiite officials describe the emergence of such overtly pro-Iran groups as a healthy development after the U.S. military withdrawal.

"These imitators of Khamenei and before that [Ayatollah Ruhollah] Khomeini were in hiding. Now they have become public and known," said Sheik Hamam Hamoudi, a Shiite member of parliament and a longtime resident of Iran before the U.S. toppled Hussein.

At a gathering last month at a sports club, members of Khitab Hezbollah greeted enthusiastic visitors under a portrait of Khamenei and banners showing a fist clenching a black Kalashnikov rifle rising from a map of the Middle East. Guests received a book, graced by a portrait of Khamenei, that describes a war pitting Iran and its allies against the West.


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Greuel, Garcetti court black vote with endorsements

Highlighting the importance of the African American vote in the May 21 mayoral runoff, Wendy Greuel and Eric Garcetti held dueling news conferences in South Los Angeles on Thursday to tout new endorsements from highly sought black leaders. At various points, some of the participants even got a little testy.

Basketball legend Magic Johnson backed Greuel, saying that he selected the city controller because of her broad range of experience in the public and private sectors, her longtime ties to the African American community and the historic nature of her candidacy to be the city's first female mayor.

"We love this woman because she loves us. We love this woman because she's been in our community many, many years and the fact that she's going to get the job done," Johnson said, standing alongside a broad cross-section of religious, civic and elected leaders at a church on Crenshaw Boulevard.

"Wendy, I am in your campaign ready to go door-to-door with you," he said. "We want to make sure you are the next mayor. We're going to make history like we did for President Obama."

Garcetti, meanwhile, picked up the backing of City Councilwoman Jan Perry, who said she chose her fellow council member because of his track record — and to send a message to special interests that spent millions of dollars supporting Greuel in the primary.

"There has been and there will be a tremendous amount of money donated to one candidate in this race from various special interests and I believe that we need to take a stand to let everyone know that the city of Los Angeles cannot be bought," said Perry, who unsuccessfully ran for mayor this year.

Although Perry did not mention Greuel by name in her remarks, she could not hide her disdain for the controller as she took questions from reporters. During the primary, Greuel slashed at Perry's personal financial background in the closing days of the race. Greuel called her after the primary, and Perry said she did not return the call. She paraphrased poet Maya Angelou in explaining why: "Dr. Angelou says, 'Thank you for letting me know who you are.' So I'm clear. I understand. I got the memo. It was clear to me that I didn't need to engage in any false pretenses because that's not who I am," Perry said.

"The memo says I do not respect you and that I respect you so little that I would delve into your personal background and then mischaracterize it to boot and then buy time with my own campaign money and put it on websites all over the country," Perry said. "Instead of dealing with substance, she went to the personal. That was not necessary."

Greuel brushed off the criticism.

"We are public figures. Everything we are doing is [an] open book as people are making choices about the future," she told reporters after her news conference. "I received a lot of blows during this campaign, during the beginning. This is for the public to decide."

Earlier, while thanking Johnson for his endorsement, she flubbed the sport played by the former Lakers point guard who is now part-owner of the Dodgers.

"It is so important to me be endorsed by Magic Johnson, who has been giving back to this community all his life," she said. "We know a lot of celebrities come and go. This celebrity, this leader has been a person who has stayed in this community and given back."

"I grew up, Magic, watching you play baseball," Greuel said, as the crowd interrupted to correct her that Johnson had played basketball.

"You did everything right, I thought baseball too. See, I was thinking Dodgers today. Yay Dodgers!" she said, clapping her hands. "He can do everything. So five NBA championships, new ownership for the Dodgers, millions invested in our community, and an inspiration for Angelenos all across Los Angeles on dealing with the issue of AIDS. And [he has] been an amazing friend, particularly here in South Los Angeles. You have never forgotten."

Garcetti said he was "so very proud" to receive Perry's nod, saying that the councilwoman brought a strong independent voice to the mayoral primary and the two shared a passion for revitalizing communities block by block.

"There's a clear difference in this race. While others are running on rhetoric, we're a campaign of results. Voters can see the results themselves," Garcetti said. "No matter how many attacks people made against Jan or me, just walk the streets of our districts, just see the jobs on the streets, the cranes downtown, the cranes in Hollywood…. That's what Jan Perry and I are going to do together when I am mayor … in South Los Angeles and citywide."

Perry came in fourth in the primary, receiving nearly 16% of the vote with heavy support among African American voters in South Los Angeles. If those supporters vote as a bloc in the runoff, it could place Garcetti or Greuel within grasp of victory.

Since the March 5 primary, the candidates have been heavily competing to roll out endorsements, with Greuel snagging former President Bill Clinton on Monday. Garcetti and Perry on Thursday questioned the value of Greuel's big-name endorsers such as Clinton and Johnson, questioning what kind of influence they have with city voters — church groups, neighborhood councils and the like — as they make a decision.

"I admire Magic Johnson very much. He's a great role model, he's a tremendous athlete, he's a great businessman, he's a very wealthy man, a member of the Guggenheim organization. And, you know, I don't know if I'd call that grass-roots, but it's OK," Perry said. "And I'm happy that he's wealthy. I have a lot of love for him."

Johnson bristled at this remark, saying that he has deep, long-standing ties to South Los Angeles.

"I'm not a celebrity. I'm a man of this community, and a businessman, and so people know that," he told reporters. "I'm the one who started all this business. When you look on Crenshaw, I started that, with that Starbucks down there."

"I'm the one who started redevelopment in South Los Angeles, not Jan Perry. I did it," he said. "I love Jan. She's a good person and she did a wonderful job with what she did downtown, but in L.A., South L.A., I'm the one."

Late in the day, primary contender Kevin James — who finished third just ahead of Perry — emailed his backers asking them to recommend whom, if anyone, he should endorse.

seema.mehta@latimes.com


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Kidnapped Northridge girl was sexually assaulted, police say

A 10-year-old girl kidnapped from her Northridge home in the middle of the night was sexually assaulted, and detectives are still struggling to determine why she was targeted, according to law enforcement sources.

The girl has told investigators that two men were involved and that she was taken to multiple locations in different vehicles. She was found bruised and scratched Wednesday near a Starbucks about six miles from her home.

"This 10-year-old child was traumatized after a very traumatic experience," Los Angeles Police Cmdr. Andy Smith said Thursday.

He declined to provide details about her ordeal, saying police wanted to protect her privacy. Detectives said at this point there was no indication she knew her attackers.

"Right now, we are looking at this as a stranger abduction — one of those things that is very rare in this country, but it does happen," Smith said.

The girl was identified by The Times, citing authorities, after she went missing. However, it is the policy of The Times not to identify victims in cases of alleged sexual crimes.

When asked whether the community should be concerned, Smith said that there were no indications the case was part of a series of kidnappings and that no similar incidents had been reported.

"However," he said, "as a parent, I think every parent knows that until these two individuals are captured and taken into custody, we should use all the caution we can with our children.... We don't know what they are capable of."

Detectives were chasing a variety of possible leads, including looking at registered sex offenders in the area and examining the girl's Internet activity.

Law enforcement sources said detectives also were trying to determine whether there was any connection between this case and a high-profile international child abduction in 2008.

Public records and court documents indicated one of the children kidnapped in the 2008 case was a relative of the Northridge girl.

In that case, two brothers took their sons out of the country without their ex-wives' permission.

Court documents indicated that federal authorities pursued leads in Guatemala, Turkey, Canada and Mexico before tracking the brothers and the children to the Netherlands, where they were found in November 2010.

The brothers pleaded guilty to charges of international parent kidnapping and were each sentenced last year to 27 months in prison. They were released Oct. 23, having served most of their sentences in the Netherlands and in federal custody before the plea.

The source said the brothers continued to be under court supervision after their release, and an attorney for one of the brothers said he had not been contacted by authorities.

The sources emphasized that it is one of many lines of inquiry and that they have no evidence the brothers were in any way involved in this week's kidnapping.

The girl's mother told authorities she last saw her daughter in her room about 1 a.m. Wednesday. About 3:40 a.m., police said, the mother heard a noise. When she went to check on her daughter, the girl was gone.

Authorities combed the area house by house, and the Federal Bureau of Investigation joined the search effort. Shortly before 3 p.m., a man spotted the girl in a parking lot about six miles away and pointed her in the direction of nearby police.

LAPD officials said they believe the girl was dropped off at a nearby Kaiser Permanente Medical Center in Woodland Hills. She then walked toward the Starbucks.

She had cuts and bruises, some to her face, and was "in shock," Capt. Kris Pitcher said. In news helicopter footage, she appeared to be barefoot and wearing clothing different from what she had on when she was last seen.

It remains unclear who dropped her off and how she may have left or been lured from her Northridge home. Detailed descriptions of the perpetrators were not available, though authorities said the girl guessed one was about 18 years old.

More than 20 detectives and the FBI continue to pursue the Northridge case, and broadened their investigation to an empty house near the girl's home and a storage facility less than a mile away. The house was later ruled out, LAPD Capt. William Hayes said, but police found a pickup truck at the storage facility they believe was involved.

kate.mather@latimes.com

richard.winton@latimes.com

andrew.blankstein@latimes.com

Times staff writer Joseph Serna contributed to this report.


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Reports detail Jared Loughner's behavior before Tucson shooting

Written By kolimtiga on Kamis, 28 Maret 2013 | 16.38

TUCSON — In hindsight, the red flags seem to be everywhere.

By the time Jared Lee Loughner shot and killed six people, wounding 13 — including then-Rep. Gabrielle Giffords — his parents had already taken away his shotgun, tested him for drugs and forbade him from using the family vehicle after dusk. Months earlier, officials at his community college had refused to allow him to return to campus until he passed a mental evaluation. Hours before he went on a shooting rampage, a Wal-Mart clerk had declined to sell him ammunition.

These details emerged Wednesday when authorities released nearly 3,000 pages of investigative reports, painting a picture of a man who had become unhinged and the people who had tried to intervene, worried he was a danger to himself and others.

The disclosure of the case documents — previously kept under seal — comes after Loughner was sentenced in November to life in prison without parole. The 24-year-old pleaded guilty to 19 federal charges in the rampage at a constituent event Giffords, a Democrat, was hosting at a grocery store parking lot in north Tucson in 2011.

In an interview with law enforcement officials, Loughner's mother, Amy Loughner, said her son had been acting strangely for about a year, often talking or laughing to himself, and was angry with the government, though she did not say why.

Loughner's father, Randy Loughner, described his son as "too smart for his own good," saying that he was "set off" after he was dismissed from Pima Community College because of a video. The documents did not describe the video, but at one point Loughner made a video in which he raged against the college. College officials told Loughner not to return to campus until he had sought medical attention, his father said.

Loughner's dismissal also followed an incident in which he made comments about abortion that his fellow classmates and others found so disturbing that the campus police were called.

That's when his parents took away the shotgun.

Amy Loughner, referring to school officials, said, "They recommended … if there's any firearms in the house that we should, you know, put them away."

"Did they say he was a danger to himself? Or is he a danger to others?" a detective asked.

"I think they said both," Amy Loughner responded.

She also described her son's disturbing behavior: "Sometimes you'd hear him in his room, like having conversations. And sometimes he would look like he was having a conversation with someone right there, be talking to someone. I don't know how to explain it. I don't."

Before the killings, she said, her son hadn't had a job for a year. He'd been fired from his job at a store in the Tucson Mall, and his parents supported him with small amounts of cash at Christmas and occasionally a few dollars for gas so he could search for another job.

Randy Loughner said his son "was just never the same" after losing his job.

"Yeah he ... can't find … couldn't find a job," Randy Loughner said, according to the documents. "He didn't feel like he should have been fired from the job either.… Just nothing, nothing worked, seemed to go right for him."

The documents had been sealed by a judge to ensure Loughner's right to a fair trial. Last month, U.S. District Judge Larry Burns approved the release of the files now that the case is closed. Various news organizations had sought access to the documents.

In one interview, Amy Loughner said her son smoked pot but had given it up; he'd tried cocaine but hadn't had a drink in the five months before the shooting.

The detective asked her whether she believed her son's statements about not using drugs.

"I believe him," she said. "We drug-tested him.… My concern was like meth or something because his behavior was odd."

His father and others described Loughner as an outcast and loner.


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Jan Perry to endorse Eric Garcetti in mayoral race

Jan Perry, the strong favorite of African Americans in the March 5 primary for Los Angeles mayor, plans to announce Thursday that she is backing her ex-rival Eric Garcetti in the May runoff, her spokeswoman said.

Perry's endorsement is one of the most prized in the May 21 contest between Garcetti and City Controller Wendy Greuel. Perry has been a colleague of Garcetti's on the City Council for almost 12 years

Neither Garcetti nor Greuel emerged from the primary with significant backing among black voters, one of the biggest blocs up for grabs in the runoff. For weeks, the two have been competing fiercely to line up support from high-profile African Americans.

Greuel, who often reminisces about working as an aide to the city's first black mayor, Tom Bradley, scored endorsements this week from Los Angeles County Supervisor Mark Ridley-Thomas and former President Bill Clinton, a popular figure among African Americans.

Those announcements deflected attention from turmoil in Greuel's campaign. She hired a new campaign manager, Janelle Erickson, to take charge of day-to-day operations last week, removing those duties from another top advisor, Rose Kapolczynski.

In addition, Greuel's field director and three others quit the campaign. All four had worked in the get-out-the-vote operation of President Obama's reelection campaign. The shake-up came after Greuel finished second in the primary, in which she and her allies far outspent Garcetti.

The final tally for the primary, released by the city clerk's office Tuesday, confirmed that Garcetti led with 33%, followed by Greuel at 29%. Talk radio personality Kevin James came in third with 16%. Perry finished fourth, also with 16%. Emanuel Pleitez, a former aide to Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa, won 4%.

With all the ballots counted, turnout was 21% of the city's 1.8 million registered voters, up from a preliminary turnout rate of 16% based on ballots counted on election night.

The results confirmed that Perry swept the most heavily African American neighborhoods of South Los Angeles and the Pacoima area of the San Fernando Valley, underscoring the value of her support in the Greuel-Garcetti runoff.

Spokeswoman Helen Sanchez said Perry "examined both of their records very carefully and felt that Garcetti had a very solid record and was the best candidate to move the city forward."

There was a personal dimension to Perry's decision. In her campaign's closing days, Perry was deeply offended by Greuel attacking her for a 1994 personal bankruptcy tied to the failure of her ex-husband's law practice. Greuel, who lives in Studio City, served on the council with Perry for seven years.

But Perry's endorsement of Garcetti was no sure thing.

She felt betrayed by Garcetti last year when he voted for new council district boundaries that took away nearly all of Perry's cherished downtown turf, leaving her mainly with impoverished neighborhoods along the Harbor Freeway. Perry's role in downtown's economic comeback was a key focus of her campaign. She lives on Bunker Hill, outside her new district.

Greuel stayed on the attack Wednesday. Speaking from a lectern outside City Hall, she blamed Garcetti for the city's surge in unemployment during his watch as council president.

"Eric Garcetti has also left Los Angeles with huge budget deficits," Greuel said.

Like Garcetti, Greuel voted on the council in 2007 for raises of up to 25% over five years for thousands of city workers, despite the budget shortfall that the city was facing as the economy was turning downward. Speaking privately to union audiences during the mayoral campaign, Greuel has criticized Garcetti for backing layoffs and furloughs of city workers to balance the budget.

Unions representing the bulk of the city workforce have lined up behind Greuel and spent heavily to get her elected. Also backing her is the powerful Los Angeles County Federation of Labor.

Garcetti sought to highlight his own labor support Wednesday at a rally of more than 100 workers at a union hall south of downtown.

"He is ready to fight for us," said Mike Perez, president of SEIU's United Service Workers West, which represents more than 40,000 janitors, airport workers, security officers and others. Perez was interrupted by chants of "Si se puede!" and "Garcetti!"

After the rally, Garcetti dismissed Greuel's contention that he was to blame for the city's high unemployment. "There was a countrywide recession happening," he said. "That's what I read in the newspapers."

michael.finnegan@latimes.com

james.rainey@latimes.com


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Mandela hospitalized with lung infection

JOHANNESBURG -- Nelson Mandela, the anti-apartheid leader who became South Africa's first black president, has been admitted to a hospital with a recurring lung infection, South Africa said Thursday.

Mandela, 94, has become increasingly frail in recent years and has been hospitalized several times since last year, most recently this month when he received what a presidential spokesman described as a "successful" medical test.

Mandela was admitted to a hospital just before midnight Wedesday "due to the recurrence of his lung infection," the office of President Jacob Zuma said in a statement.

"Doctors are attending to him, ensuring that he has the best possible expert medical treatment and comfort," the statement said. It appealed "for understanding and privacy in order to allow space to the doctors to do their work."

Zuma wished Mandela a speedy recovery, referring to him affectionately by his clan name, "Madiba."

"We appeal to the people of South Africa and the world to pray for our beloved Madiba and his family and to keep them in their thoughts. We have full confidence in the medical team and know that they will do everything possible to ensure recovery," the presidential statement quoted Zuma as saying.

Mandela spent a night in a hospital and was released on March 10 following a medical test. At that time, presidential spokesman Mac Maharaj said Mandela was "well."

In December, Mandela spent three weeks in a hospital, where he was treated for a lung infection and had a procedure to remove gallstones. A year ago, Mandela was admitted to a Johannesburg hospital for what officials initially described as tests but what turned out to be an acute respiratory infection. He was discharged days later. He also had surgery for an enlarged prostate gland in 1985.

Under South Africa's white-minority apartheid regime, Mandela served 27 years in prison, where he contracted tuberculosis, before being released in 1990. He later became the nation's first democratically elected president in 1994 under the banner of the African National Congress, helping to negotiate a relatively peaceful end to apartheid despite fears of much greater bloodshed. He served one five-year term as president before retiring.

Perceived successes during Mandela's tenure include the introduction of a constitution with robust protections for individual rights and the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, a panel that heard testimony about apartheid-era violations of human rights as a kind of national therapy session. South Africa still struggles with crime, economic inequality and other social ills.

Mandela last made a public appearance on a major stage when South Africa hosted the 2010 World Cup soccer tournament.


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British teen sells mobile news app to Yahoo for $30 million

Written By kolimtiga on Rabu, 27 Maret 2013 | 16.38

SAN FRANCISCO — Meet Nick D'Aloisio, the 17-year-old British entrepreneur who just sold his popular news-reading app to Yahoo Inc. for close to $30 million, instantly becoming one of the world's youngest self-made millionaires.

It's the classic Silicon Valley success story of a young software prodigy striking it ridiculously and improbably big. But this time the spotlight is shining on the other side of the pond.

D'Aloisio, who taught himself to write software at age 12, built the free iPhone app Summly — which automatically summarizes news stories for small screens — in his London bedroom in 2011. He was just 15 years old.

Soon he had backing from Horizons Ventures, the venture capital arm of Hong Kong billionaire Li Ka-shing and big names such as Zynga Inc.'s Mark Pincus and actor Ashton Kutcher.

Before it was pulled from the app store Monday after the announcement of the Yahoo deal, D'Aloisio's app Summly had been downloaded nearly 1 million times. It had deals with 250 online publishers, including News Corp., and 10 employees in London. Not bad for a high school student.

"To me, Yahoo is the best company to be joining right now because it's one of these classic Internet companies," D'Aloisio said in an interview. "With new leadership from Marissa Mayer, Yahoo has a strong focus on mobile and product, and that's the perfect fit for Summly."

Mayer, the former Google Inc. executive who took over the Sunnyvale, Calif., company last summer, has focused on mobile technology to revive Yahoo's lagging fortunes. She has snapped up a number of promising mobile start-ups as much for their personnel as for the innovation.

In D'Aloisio, Yahoo is getting someone who truly thinks and lives in the mobile world.

Rather than browsing the Web by clicking a mouse, more people are connecting to the Internet with their smartphone or tablet, changing what kind and how much information they consume, Yahoo mobile chief Adam Cahan said. Silicon Valley companies such as Facebook and Yahoo are looking to adapt their Internet businesses to hold on to consumers who want easier, faster ways to find what matters to them.

"Summly solves this by delivering snapshots of stories, giving you a simple and elegant way to find the news you want, faster than ever before," Cahan said.

D'Aloisio, who took a break from school for six months to focus full time on Summly, will join Yahoo's London office while continuing his studies in the evenings and living at home with his parents. He says Yahoo plans to integrate Summly into all sorts of mobile experiences.

"The real idea is to take the core of the technology and find different fits for it and make it as ubiquitous as possible on the Web," he said. "We want to take summarization and build beautiful content experiences around it."

He says his parents — his dad is an energy financier, his mother is a lawyer — will help him manage the financial windfall (he says all he wants is a new computer and pair of Nike trainers). But he says he was not driven to the deal by dollar signs.

"Technology has really been the driver behind this whole deal," D'Aloisio said. "I can't wait to see how it plays out at Yahoo."

D'Aloisio is just one of a number of under-21 entrepreneurs who have made millions at a very young age.

Patrick Collison, who took his first computer class at age 8 and entered young scientist competitions as a teen in Ireland, was just 19 when he and his brother John sold their Silicon Valley start-up Auctomatic to Canadian company Live Current Media Inc., a deal that made them overnight millionaires.

"It was helpful perspective to have something like that happen very early on," said Collison, who is now co-founder and chief executive of San Francisco payments start-up Stripe. "It shows you that it's not all that big a deal. Yes, it's wonderful to create something that someone is interested in acquiring, and it's nice to have more money than you had before, but really nothing changes. Enjoying what you do on a day-to-day basis is what's important."

The sudden flash of worldwide media attention has been a bit overwhelming, D'Aloisio said. But not in a bad way.

"It's been an absolutely awesome experience," D'Aloisio said. "I'd love to do it again someday with another company."

Spoken like a true entrepreneur.

jessica.guynn@latimes.com


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President Obama lauds Kings and the Galaxy at the White House

WASHINGTON – President Obama celebrated with the champion Los Angeles Kings and the Galaxy in the White House on Tuesday and then looped some of the players into an event for First Lady Michelle Obama's favorite cause: her campaign against childhood obesity.

Obama praised the hockey and soccer teams for their 2012 championship seasons, noting that, besides sharing a hometown, "they share a pretty good comeback story."

The president noted that the Kings beat the Chicago Blackhawks on Monday, but pointed out that Coach Darryl Sutter "got good training" when he was playing for and later coaching Obama's hometown hockey team.

The teams and their coaches stood behind Obama in the East Room and smiled as the president accepted jerseys from both -- #1 from the Galaxy and #44 for the Kings (Obama is the nation's 44th president) – and then tossed and headed a soccer ball handed to him by Landon Donovan.

Hosting winning sports teams is one of Obama's favorite pastimes as president. The events rarely turn political, with the exception of last year's visit by the Stanley Cup-winning Boston Bruins. Goaltender Tim Thomas refused to make the trip, explaining it was because the "government has grown out of control."

Sutter, however, had planned to press Obama to allow the construction of the Keystone oil pipeline from Canada through the U.S.

The owner of a ranch in Alberta, Sutter told the paper he supports the controversial project to transport oil to the Gulf Coast. The Obama administration so far has withheld approval of the project.

It was unclear whether the coach brought the issue up with the president. He did not speak to the media and the White House was not saying. But the two made nice, at least during the public ceremony.

After meeting with the president, a handful of players talked fitness, sports and food with some Washington schoolchildren at a forum hosted by Assistant White House Chef Sam Kass, who is the director of Michelle Obama's "Let's Move" program to promote exercise and healthy eating.

Donovan revealed that his favorite healthy snack is avocado and his favorite exercise is running. Midfielder Mike Magee emphasized the importance of training and practice to winning games. Defender Todd Dunivant put it plainly, if team members get out of shape, "We lose our jobs and that's not a good thing."

Kings players were put on the spot when asked by the one child if they'd ever been in a fight.

"I have," admitted right wing Dustin Brown sheepishly. "It happens."

"But they regret every second of it," Kass interjected.

christi.parsons@latimes.com

Twitter: @cparsons

kathleen.hennessey@latimes.com

Twitter: @khennessey

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Southland ports could see more tax revenue

WASHINGTON — The ports of Los Angeles and Long Beach are in an unusual position in today's era of Washington austerity: They could soon receive more federal money.

A bill sent to the Senate by a committee chaired by Sen. Barbara Boxer (D-Calif.) seeks to address a long-standing California gripe: Its ports receive pennies back for every dollar raised by a tax on cargo.

The measure would nearly double, to about $1.6 billion a year, funding for harbor maintenance nationwide, give priority to the busiest ports and expand the use of the money to include work that the Los Angeles and Long Beach ports are eager to undertake.

It's too early to say how much the ports could receive. But the Port of Los Angeles, which received none of the money in the last three years, hopes to snag $2 million to $5 million a year initially and $10 million to $20 million a year eventually. The Port of Long Beach could not provide a figure.

Despite the arcane subject of port funding, the legislation shows how a committee chair can tailor a measure to benefit his or her state even after Congress has put an end to the controversial practice of lawmakers earmarking funds for pet projects.

Boxer included the language in the broader Water Resources Development Act, describing the changes as a more equitable way to distribute funds generated by the shippers' tax.

California ports generated $430 million from the tax in fiscal 2011 but received only $54 million back for harbor maintenance. Los Angeles and Long Beach received nothing in 2011. A Congressional Research Service report listed Los Angeles and Long Beach as ports whose customers generate a substantial amount of the tax revenue that is mostly spent on the maintenance of other harbors.

The legislation doesn't explicitly refer to the Los Angeles and Long Beach ports but will "potentially have a huge benefit" to them, said Steve Ellis of the watchdog group Taxpayers for Common Sense.

"We see this as a big plus," said Michael R. Christensen, Port of Los Angeles deputy executive director for development — "if it can just make it through" Congress.

The measure could face pushback from senators whose states now receive a larger share of the harbor maintenance funds. Christensen said Sen. Dianne Feinstein (D-Calif.) told him during a meeting that any change to how the funds are distributed could run into opposition from other senators "because they get the benefit of all of this tax collected on goods coming into California."

Funds are now allocated based on ports' needs for maintaining the depths and widths of harbors, as recommended by the Army Corps of Engineers. A large chunk of the money has gone in recent years to Gulf Coast ports, which are "relatively expensive to maintain," according to a Congressional Research Service report.

The Los Angeles and Long Beach ports have not needed money in recent years to maintain their naturally deep harbors. But they would benefit from the legislation because it would expand the use of funds to cover eagerly sought maintenance of channels up to the docks.

Though the legislation is important to California, Boxer said she intended to "make the case that it's not just about [her] state" and that ports generating cargo taxes should receive an "equitable" share.

Officials at the Los Angeles and Long Beach ports, which handle about 40% of the cargo containers entering the U.S., have argued that port users have a "reasonable expectation" that the money they pay in taxes will return to maintain the harbors they use.

Ultimately, the funding would be subject to Army Corps of Engineers' recommendations and the annual congressional appropriations process. But California could receive a boost when the issue comes before the Senate Appropriations subcommittee that oversees the port spending, because it is chaired by Feinstein.

The water bill passed the Senate Environment and Public Works Committee unanimously last week. The overall bill, which its supporters portray as a jobs measure, would authorize water projects, including nearly $1 billion to shore up flood protection in the Sacramento area.

richard.simon@latimes.com


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Supreme Court weighs deals to delay generic drugs

Written By kolimtiga on Selasa, 26 Maret 2013 | 16.38

WASHINGTON — A government attorney urged the Supreme Court to allow authorities to crack down on cash deals among prescription drug makers that delay the introduction of generic drugs and keep consumer prices high.

The so-called pay-for-delay deals, which allow brand-name drug companies to keep cheaper generic drugs off the market for a time, violate antitrust laws, the Federal Trade Commission argued Monday.

"It's unlawful to buy off the competition," said Malcolm Stewart, the deputy solicitor general who represented the FTC and the Justice Department. "It's an agreement not to compete," he said, which is "presumptively illegal."

The FTC said that more than two dozen such deals cost consumers $3.5 billion last year. Companies such as CVS Caremark Corp., Rite Aid Corp., Walgreen Co., Albertson's and Safeway Inc. joined the FTC in urging the court to rein in the deals.

But the FTC's attorney ran into skeptical questions from several justices who said the government's argument ignored the patent rights of the brand-name drug makers. A patent gives a drug maker 20 years to sell a drug exclusively and to earn monopoly profits. So long as the patent it still valid, the brand maker is entitled to keep out competitors, they said.

Justice Antonin Scalia said he did not understand how the brand-name makers would be seen as violating the law if they were "acting within the scope of the patent."

The issue has become complicated because another federal law, known as the Hatch-Waxman Act, encourages generic makers to enter the market as soon as possible and, in some instances, to challenge the validity of patents. These suits sometimes lead to the settlements that the FTC sees as suspect.

The case before the court illustrates the issue. A company called Solvay Pharmaceuticals Inc. applied for a patent in 2000 for AndroGel, a topical gel which dispenses synthetic testosterone. The key ingredient — synthetic testosterone — was not covered by a patent, but the patent for the gel extended to 2020.

Watson Pharmaceuticals Inc., a generic drug maker, announced plans to market a generic version of the gel. Solvay feared that its profit would fall $125 million a year if a generic version of the gel were on the market, and it sued Watson for patent infringement.

That suit ended after nearly three years with a deal that kept a generic gel off the market until 2015 and paid Watson $19 million to $30 million a year, ostensibly for marketing assistance.

The FTC then sued Watson and Solvay on antitrust grounds, alleging that this was a deal to share monopoly profits and prevent generic competition. But a federal judge and the U.S. 11th Circuit Court of Appeals in Atlanta rejected the complaint, saying the brand-name firm had acted within its rights under the patent laws.

Jeffrey I. Weinberger, a Los Angeles attorney for Solvay and Watson successor firm Actavis Inc., urged the justices to reject the FTC's antitrust argument and uphold the validity of the settlement. A "good-faith settlement" of a lawsuit is not illegal, he said, so long as the patent itself was valid.

"What if it isn't in good faith?" asked Justice Elena Kagan. What if it's clear "they are splitting the monopoly profits and the person who is injured is the consumer out there?"

Weinberger countered that these settlements are rare and usually arise after an extended period of litigation. They are not automatic or routine, he said.

The justices spent the hour debating how to apply antitrust principles to patent law, and they did not give a strong hint about how they might rule on the issue. A decision is expected by late June.

A similar case is pending before the California Supreme Court. The state attorney general's office intervened in a lawsuit against Bayer over a deal to delay a generic version of its Cipro antibiotic.

"During its monopoly period, a single Cipro pill costs consumers upward of $5.30, while with generic competition, the same pill should have cost only $1.10," the state said.

That appeal is pending.

david.savage@latimes.com


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Bearing up in Glendale: Another bruin takes to the city

Just as the memory of "Meatball," Glendale's favorite bear, may be fading, it appears a new bruin has taken to the city.

And this black bear — described as 3 to 4 feet tall and weighing about 200 pounds — has a fondness for hummingbird sugar water and a taste for honey. This dietary insight is based on its snacking habits during multiple visits over the course of at least six months to the Chevy Chase Canyon neighborhood.

In some cases, the bear has knocked down hummingbird feeders hanging as high as 8 feet off the ground.

"I was kind of surprised another bear is back," said resident Suzanne Whitman, whose bird feeder was knocked down about 4:30 a.m. Tuesday at her home on Chevy Chase Drive. The bear, she said, visited her home twice last year.

The bear may also be responsible for destroying Herbert Harder's small backyard apiary, which contained seven beehives that he had maintained for 30 years. Harder hasn't replaced the hives and isn't entirely sure he wants to take the risk.

It took only three visits for the bear to decimate Harder's honey crop and population of bees, he said. But the bear's fourth visit was the most devastating, since it tore apart several hives and sent others rolling down a steep hillside.

Harder's hummingbird feeders also found themselves on the bear's menu.

According to residents, the bear visited the Chevy Chase Canyon neighborhood at least seven times last year, including a foray into a trash bin for chicken, rice and baklava.

Other trash runs, door-pawing and sunbathing sightings have prompted police responses, including a helicopter search and the use of air horns and floodlights.

After spending winter in their dens, bears typically leave their hide-outs around spring and begin foraging for food, said Kevin Brennan, a biologist with the California Department of Fish and Wildlife.

A bear usually starts feeding on grass, but an urban bear may yearn for something a little tastier — and fattier.

Human garbage, Brennan said, is higher in protein fat than a bear's natural diet, making the human food irresistible.

"Bears are smart animals and they go back to those sources," Brennan said.

With a very acute sense of smell, bears will go virtually anywhere and put up with almost anything to reach a source of tasty food, he said.

Though state wildlife officials were aware of a bear's past visits to the Chevy Chase Canyon area, they had not received any recent reports, Brennan said. Still, he added, "they are creatures of habit."

Harder said he wants the bear to be trapped and relocated just like Meatball, who was moved earlier this year to an animal sanctuary in San Diego County after twice being relocated deep within Angeles National Forest.

"He is going to stay here until he destroys everything or hurts someone," Harder said.

The gender of the bear has yet to be verified.

But trapping and relocating doesn't work, Brennan said, noting Meatball's persistence.

"The issue is not the bears. The issue is improper storage of garbage," he said.

Whitman, a neighborhood watch block captain, has urged neighbors to cover their trash bins and to keep small children and animals inside at night.

In her 25 years of living in the canyon, she said she has never before had visits from a bear.

"It's a little too much nature," Whitman said.

veronica.rocha@latimes.com


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British teen sells mobile news app to Yahoo for $30 million

SAN FRANCISCO — Meet Nick D'Aloisio, the 17-year-old British entrepreneur who just sold his popular news-reading app to Yahoo Inc. for close to $30 million, instantly becoming one of the world's youngest self-made millionaires.

It's the classic Silicon Valley success story of a young software prodigy striking it ridiculously and improbably big. But this time the spotlight is shining on the other side of the pond.

D'Aloisio, who taught himself to write software at age 12, built the free iPhone app Summly — which automatically summarizes news stories for small screens — in his London bedroom in 2011. He was just 15 years old.

Soon he had backing from Horizons Ventures, the venture capital arm of Hong Kong billionaire Li Ka-shing and big names such as Zynga Inc.'s Mark Pincus and actor Ashton Kutcher.

Before it was pulled from the app store Monday after the announcement of the Yahoo deal, D'Aloisio's app Summly had been downloaded nearly 1 million times. It had deals with 250 online publishers, including News Corp., and 10 employees in London. Not bad for a high school student.

"To me, Yahoo is the best company to be joining right now because it's one of these classic Internet companies," D'Aloisio said in an interview. "With new leadership from Marissa Mayer, Yahoo has a strong focus on mobile and product, and that's the perfect fit for Summly."

Mayer, the former Google Inc. executive who took over the Sunnyvale, Calif., company last summer, has focused on mobile technology to revive Yahoo's lagging fortunes. She has snapped up a number of promising mobile start-ups as much for their personnel as for the innovation.

In D'Aloisio, Yahoo is getting someone who truly thinks and lives in the mobile world.

Rather than browsing the Web by clicking a mouse, more people are connecting to the Internet with their smartphone or tablet, changing what kind and how much information they consume, Yahoo mobile chief Adam Cahan said. Silicon Valley companies such as Facebook and Yahoo are looking to adapt their Internet businesses to hold on to consumers who want easier, faster ways to find what matters to them.

"Summly solves this by delivering snapshots of stories, giving you a simple and elegant way to find the news you want, faster than ever before," Cahan said.

D'Aloisio, who took a break from school for six months to focus full time on Summly, will join Yahoo's London office while continuing his studies in the evenings and living at home with his parents. He says Yahoo plans to integrate Summly into all sorts of mobile experiences.

"The real idea is to take the core of the technology and find different fits for it and make it as ubiquitous as possible on the Web," he said. "We want to take summarization and build beautiful content experiences around it."

He says his parents — his dad is an energy financier, his mother is a lawyer — will help him manage the financial windfall (he says all he wants is a new computer and pair of Nike trainers). But he says he was not driven to the deal by dollar signs.

"Technology has really been the driver behind this whole deal," D'Aloisio said. "I can't wait to see how it plays out at Yahoo."

D'Aloisio is just one of a number of under-21 entrepreneurs who have made millions at a very young age.

Patrick Collison, who took his first computer class at age 8 and entered young scientist competitions as a teen in Ireland, was just 19 when he and his brother John sold their Silicon Valley start-up Auctomatic to Canadian company Live Current Media Inc., a deal that made them overnight millionaires.

"It was helpful perspective to have something like that happen very early on," said Collison, who is now co-founder and chief executive of San Francisco payments start-up Stripe. "It shows you that it's not all that big a deal. Yes, it's wonderful to create something that someone is interested in acquiring, and it's nice to have more money than you had before, but really nothing changes. Enjoying what you do on a day-to-day basis is what's important."

The sudden flash of worldwide media attention has been a bit overwhelming, D'Aloisio said. But not in a bad way.

"It's been an absolutely awesome experience," D'Aloisio said. "I'd love to do it again someday with another company."

Spoken like a true entrepreneur.

jessica.guynn@latimes.com


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Email tax may slice spam and scams out of inboxes

Written By kolimtiga on Senin, 25 Maret 2013 | 16.38

SACRAMENTO — The most courageous politician in California — probably the nation — is a Berkeley city councilman, Gordon Wozniak. His gutsy act: proposing that the government tax email.

Yes, sacrosanct, time-gobbling, out-of-control email.

"I got a lot of nasty emails nationally," he says.

"You are making Berkeley look really silly," one person wrote. Another called him "the epitome of a communist — you and all your commy liberal idiots."

Wozniak, however, is certified brainy — a retired nuclear scientist, a futurist who, he admits, may be ahead of his time about taxing email. "It's a real uphill battle."

But a battle worth waging.

Wozniak, 59, suggested taxing email during a recent council meeting as the city went on record opposing the sale of the Berkeley main post office and urging the Postal Service to maintain all its services there.

Postal officials have announced plans to stop delivering mail on Saturdays starting in August. Email and online billing have reduced the feasibility of — and need for — six-day snail mail delivery, they say.

An email tax — as part of a broader Internet tax — could raise money to help keep the Postal Service afloat, Wozniak told the council.

"There should be something like a bit tax," he said. "I mean, a bit tax could be a cent per gigabit and they would make, probably, billions of dollars a year.... And there should be, also, a very tiny tax on email."

I don't know about taxing gigabits. I'm not even sure what they are.

But email I'm as familiar with as a nagging toothache. I spend way too much of my day, as do many workers who depend on computers, hitting the delete key or — even more time-consuming — routing spam into the junk file and trying to block out the arrogant sender forever.

Often the email is in a foreign language that's all Greek to me. Or it's spinning me on some Atlantic Coast congressional race that is of no interest whatsoever. I'm also not in the market for awnings or pet food or a "tactical robot." And, no, I really don't care about the "Amway Boycott" or that "the National Farmers Union Endorses Raw Milk."

So leave me alone. And stop clogging my inbox.

There also are the scam scum. No, I wasn't aware that I had just won the $25-million online lottery and the check would be sent as soon as I turn over my personal info. Nor am I interested in the woman who wants to "share her love."

You get the idea. I'm not nearly as concerned about keeping snail mail afloat as fending off these spammers and scammers and denying them free access to my work station. Make them pay. Maybe it'll be a deterrent.

If the Postal Service were to receive the tax money, fine.

Or it could be used to place a laptop on every school kid's desk. Or blanket the country with Wi-Fi. Or combat Chinese hackers. Maybe chase after scammers.

Or just to help replace the tax revenue lost by technology putting people out of work. That was the idea of the Canadian economist — Wozniak's inspiration — who first raised the notion of a bit tax back in 1997 in a speech at Harvard Law School.

"Needed: new taxes for a new economy," asserted Arthur J. Cordell, then an information technology advisor for the Canadian government. "The new wealth of nations is to be found in the trillions of digital bits of information pulsing through global networks….


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Excavating a future in Afghanistan

TAGHAR, Afghanistan — In a rugged valley outside Kabul, where mud-walled villages blend into bare scrubland, a team of international mining experts and Afghan trainees set up camp over the winter to probe the region's mineral resources.

Protected by armed guards, they spent three months drilling test holes into the snowcapped peaks, as curious goat- and sheepherders looked on.

"We hit copper damn near everywhere," said Robert Miller, a Colorado-based mining executive recruited by the Pentagon to help advise Afghan authorities on how to develop the country's natural resources. "It's a very encouraging finding."

Studies have found that Afghanistan, one of the world's poorest and most war-torn countries, sits atop hydrocarbon and mineral deposits that could be worth more than a trillion dollars. The Afghan government and its U.S. backers are counting on this largely untapped wealth — including oil, gas, copper, iron, gold and lithium — to bring in cash and create jobs as international assistance begins to wind down.

"Afghanistan needs to develop its geology," said Najibullah Rochi, a 24-year-old geophysicist with the Afghanistan Geological Survey who was getting his first field experience at the Taghar deposit in what is known as the North Aynak mineral zone. "We need jobs and salaries. This is the way."

But industry experts caution that it will take many years and billions of dollars to build the power plants, railway lines and other infrastructure needed to extract and transport commodities from the country's mountainous terrain. Moreover, many of the mineral deposits are in the south and east of Afghanistan, where the Islamist insurgency is strongest.

Afghanistan's first attempts to develop a modern mining industry have been plagued by security threats and rumors of corruption, underscoring the difficulty the country is likely to face in unlocking its mineral riches.

Miller said he had no doubt about the country's potential.

"In my opinion, Afghanistan could replace Chile as the largest exporter of copper," he said. "Can they put it together? That's the trillion-dollar question."

Managed poorly, Afghanistan's mineral riches could instead become a source of more conflict and graft, another example of the "resource curse" that has afflicted countries such as Angola, Cambodia and Democratic Republic of Congo.

The World Bank estimates that 97% of Afghanistan's economy is tied to international military and donor spending. Although the United States and other major donors have pledged not to abandon the country, they are tired of government corruption and have economic difficulties of their own. Support for Afghanistan could fall sharply after most foreign forces leave by the end of next year.

Afghanistan's natural resources appear to represent the country's best hope for self-sufficiency. A report prepared by the Pentagon in 2010, based on research by the U.S. Geological Survey, identified mineral and oil reserves worth nearly $1 trillion. Afghan authorities called that estimate conservative and put the figure at $3 trillion.

They hope to sell the development rights to many of the deposits to international mining companies.

A $3-billion agreement was reached in 2008 with a Chinese consortium to develop a copper deposit in Logar province, south of Taghar. Negotiations are underway with companies in India and Canada for rights to one of the world's largest iron ore deposits, in Bamian province. The government is also completing contracts for major copper, gold and oil concessions.

Wahidullah Shahrani, Afghanistan's minister of mines, said the mining and petroleum sectors could bring in as much as $1.5 billion in annual government revenue, create 150,000 jobs and contribute $5 billion to the economy annually by 2016.

"Not in your wildest dreams," Miller said; it could take 10 to 15 years for major projects to be readied.

Afghans have engaged in small-scale "artisanal" mining for centuries, but the country does not have large commercial operations.

Major construction has not started at the Mes Aynak deposit south of Taghar, a joint venture by the state-run China Metallurgical Group Corp., or MCC, and Jiangxi Copper Co. The site holds ancient Buddhist ruins and artifacts. Archaeologists were given until the end of last year to salvage what they could. But in an interview with The Times, Shahrani said mining would not be allowed to begin until he received clearance from the Ministry of Information and Culture, which he expects by May.

Another reason for the delay is that several villages must be relocated, MCC said in its latest earnings report.

Last month, the government celebrated the completion of a mosque, schools and other infrastructure at a planned relocation site for displaced villagers. But Mullah Sharbat Ahmadzai, a local elder who sits on a community advisory council for the project, said residents who vacated their homes years ago were still waiting for jobs and for land to rebuild on. Now others don't want to cooperate.


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Olen Burrage dies at 82; suspect in slayings of Mississippi civil rights workers

Olen Burrage, a farmer and Ku Klux Klan member who owned the Mississippi land where the bullet-riddled bodies of three civil rights workers were found buried in the 1960s, has died. He was 82.

Burrage, who was acquitted on civil rights charges related to the murders, died March 15 at a medical center in Meridian, Miss., the McClain-Hays Funeral Home announced. The cause was not released.

The Ku Klux Klan slaying became one of the most infamous episodes of the civil rights era and led to the 1965 passage of the Voting Rights Act, which outlawed discriminatory practices that kept African Americans from voting.

PHOTOS: Notable deaths of 2013

When the state refused to bring murder charges, the federal government stepped in. The FBI dubbed the investigation "Mississippi Burning," which was later used as the title of a 1988 movie loosely based on the crime.

The murdered men — Andrew Goodman, James Chaney and Michael Schwerner — all in their early 20s, were freshly trained in voter-registration techniques when they drove into Philadelphia, Miss., on June 20, 1964.

When they were arrested the next day by the sheriff and released after dark, their station wagon was overtaken by a group of men on a rural road. The three workers were severely beaten before they died.

When their bodies were found under an earthen dam on his property, Burrage said he had no idea who would have wanted to kill the young men or how the bodies got there, according to a 1964 article in The Times.

But a 1964 confession to the FBI by Klansman Horace Doyle Barnette, who was convicted in the killings, contradicted that account.

Barnette said Klansmen drove the bodies to a remote location in a 1963 Ford station wagon and met up with Burrage, who directed them to the dam on his farmland.

"Burrage got a glass gallon jug and filled it with gasoline to be used to burn the 1963 Ford" used to transport the bodies, according to Barnette. He also said Burrage proposed using one of his trucking company's diesel trucks to pick up the men who would carry out the burning because "no one will suspect a truck on the road" so late at night.

An FBI agent read Barnette's confession to the jury during the 1967 trial of Burrage and 17 other men on charges of conspiring to violate the civil rights of the three dead men. Burrage was one of eight men acquitted.

The jury deadlocked on charges against a local minister, Edgar Ray Killen, accused of orchestrating the killings. He was charged again in 2005 with killing the three men and convicted on three counts of manslaughter by a state court. Killen is serving a 60-year prison sentence.

Civil rights groups, family members of the victims and other groups have continued to push Mississippi to pursue criminal charges against the original suspects in state court. But they are running out of time. Among the original 18 indicted, only Pete Harris — identified in testimony as a Klan leader — is still alive.

An informant had told the FBI that Burrage had bragged in the days before the killings that his dam would hold plenty of "invading" civil rights workers — a piece of information that caused observers to speculate that retrying Burrage provided the best chance of another conviction in the case.

Norma Bourdeaux, who was on the federal grand jury that indicted Burrage in the 1960s, told the Clarion-Ledger newspaper in Jackson, Miss., that she believed he was guilty.

"A man who has a piece of property doesn't generally have people come in, take a bulldozer and bury three bodies under a dam," she said, "unless he knows about it."

Olen Lavelle Burrage was born March 16, 1930, in Neshoba County, Miss., and lived most of his life there.

In the 1950s, he served in the Marines as a truck mechanic and later began a successful trucking business, which he sold in 1990.

Burrage is survived by his wife of 62 years, Ruth; three children; four siblings; and many grandchildren and great-grandchildren.

news.obits@latimes.com


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France confirms death of Al-Qaida chief Abou Zeid

Written By kolimtiga on Minggu, 24 Maret 2013 | 16.38

The death of a top  Al Qaida-linked warlord in combat with French-led troops represents a victory in the battle against jihadists who had a stranglehold on northern Mali. But it is far from the defining blow against a wily enemy that can go underground and regroup to renew itself. Even the fearsome Abou Zeid is replaceable.

A top commander of Al Qaida in the Islamic Maghreb, Abou Zeid had been in the crosshairs of the French military and their African partners since they moved in to Mali on Jan. 11 to rout radicals seen as a threat to northwest Africa and to Europe. An announcement Saturday by the French president's office that Abou Zeid's death in late February has been "definitively confirmed" ends weeks of speculation about his fate.

Abdelhamid Abou Zeid, an Algerian thought to be 47, was a pillar of Al Qaida in the Islamic Maghreb's southern realm, responsible for the death of at least two European hostages and a leader of the extremist takeover of northern Mali, which followed a coup d'etat a year ago. He joined a succession of radical insurgency movements in Algeria starting in the early 1990s and became known for his brutality and involvement in high-profile hostage-taking.

President Francois Hollande's office said the death of Abou Zeid "marks an important step in the fight against terrorism in the Sahel," the borderlands where the Sahara meets the sub-Saharan jungle, encompassing several nations where radicals are on the rise.

French officials have maintained for weeks that the Abou Zeid was "probably" dead but waited to conduct DNA tests to verify.

But jihadists have shown again and again that they can overcome the death of individual warlords. Even French Defense Minister Jean-Yves Le Drian has said that eliminating leaders "doesn't solve everything."

"It's the entire structure that has to be put down and not this or that leader," he said in an interview with Le Monde earlier this month.

Al Qaida rebounded after commanders in Iraq and Afghanistan were killed. Leaders of jihadist movements in Algeria that gave birth to al-Qaida in the Islamic Maghreb, known as AQIM, were killed and seamlessly replaced. The top AQIM leader in Mali, with the title Emir of the Grand Sahara, Nabil Makloufi, was quickly replaced after being killed last fall in a road accident, according to Matthieu Guidere, an expert on radical Islam who monitors AQIM and other jihadist movements. The new top emir, Yahya El-Hammam, could now step into Abou Zeid's warlord role, according to one scenario.

Abou Zeid was killed in operations in the Adrar des Ifoghas mountains in Mali's far north, the French statement said. The area where mountains meet the desert was Abou Zeid's stronghold — and thought to be where he was keeping four French hostages captured two years ago at a uranium mine in Niger. Their fate is unclear.

The French military says the French-led forces have killed hundreds of extremist fighters in the two-month campaign in Mali, and French officials say they have cornered the Al Qaida-linked groups in a patch of northern mountains.

However, even a clear military success by the French and their African partners in Mali would not guarantee that AQIM will die.

While based in northern Algeria, it has proven extremely mobile, latching on to political instability in the region and arming itself with weapons from Libya. AQIM has seeded ties with other radical Islamic movements like the violent Boko Haram in Nigeria. Last week, AQIM put out a call to jihadists throughout northern Africa to join the fronts in Mali and Algeria — or to stay home, and wage a war of preaching in countries like Tunisia or Morocco to turn the tide against "secularists," according to the SITE Intel Group which monitors jihadist statements.

Interviews with a series of experts on AQIM and other jihadist groups all suggest that a military victory is not the definitive answer to snuffing out jihadist terror, which can change form, move on to new theaters of operation or reignite if the instability it breeds on is not eliminated too.

"The problem doesn't go away by eliminating terrorists," Sajjan Gokel of the London-based Asia-Pacific Foundation said in a recent interview. "For every terrorist captured or killed there are at least five other terrorists coming down the assembly line."

One analyst suggested that Abou Zeid's death may lead to greater unity among the various al-Qaida-linked factions.

Jean-Paul Rouiller, director of the Geneva Center for Training and Analysis of Terrorism, describes AQIM's organization as a set of insulated cells under the larger Al Qaida umbrella, which existed independently of each other. The region of Mali — known in the group's parlance as the "emirate of the Sahara" — was divided between units loyal to Abou Zeid and those loyal to his arch-rival Moktar Belmoktar, who led an attack on a gas plant in Algeria in January that left dozens of foreign hostages dead.

Rouiller said El-Hammam will likely take over control of Abou Zeid's katibat, or brigade. He said it was Hammam who had acted as the go-between when Abou Zeid wanted to communicate with Belmoktar.

"Especially if Hammam takes over, there could be a chance for a better coordinated relationship with Moktar Belmoktar," said Rouiller. "I would not be surprised if we see a more united Saharan emirate."

Chad's government claimed that Belmoktar was also killed in fighting in northern Mali, but the claim has not been independently verified.

Mystery surrounds the powerful and shadowy figure of Abou Zeid, even regarding his real name. Along with his nom de guerre, Abou Zeid had an alias, Mosab Abdelouadoud, and nicknames, the emir of Timbuktu, the fabled city that became his fief during the 10-month-long occupation of Mali, and the little emir, due to his diminutive size. But the Algerian press has raised questions about his legal identity — Abid Hamadou or Mohamed Ghedir.

He was viewed as a disciplined radical with close ties to the overall AQIM boss, Abdelmalek Droukdel, who oversees operations from his post in northern Algeria.

Abou Zeid fought with a succession of Islamist insurgency movements trying to topple the Algerian state since 1992. He reportedly joined the brutal, and now defunct, Armed Islamic Group that massacred whole villages in northern Algeria, then joined the Salafist Group for Call and Combat that morphed into al-Qaida in the Islamic Maghreb in 2006 under Droukdel's rule.

An Algerian court tried him in absentia in January 2012, convicting him of belonging to an international terrorist group and sentencing him to life in prison.

Abou Zeid was believed to be the most brutal of the top jihadist leaders in Mali. He held a Frenchman who was executed in July 2010. He's also been linked to the execution of a British hostage in 2009.

In the Sahara, Abou Zeid's reputation for brutality toward hostages outdid that of Belmoktar, who in general allowed the foreigners in his care to receive medicine when needed. Rouiller says that an analysis done by his center of proof-of-life videos released by Al Qaida in the Islamic Maghreb suggests that Hammam and another jihadist commander, Targui, are just as brutal toward hostages as was Abou Zeid.

"Based upon the analysis of the video sequences, I don't think either Hammam or Targui are more humane — the line will not change."


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Wealthy, business-savvy Mexican immigrants transform Texas city

SAN ANTONIO — The Mexican businessmen in Rolexes and Burberry ties meet on the north side of town, at Cielito Lindo Restaurant, or at new neighboring country clubs. Their wives frequent Neiman Marcus, Tiffany's and Brooks Brothers at the nearby mall. Their children park Porsches with Mexican license plates in the student lots at Reagan High School.

They are part of a wave of legal Mexican immigrants who have been overlooked in the national debate over how to deal with their largely impoverished illegal compatriots. Propelled north by drug cartel violence, they paid thousands of dollars to hire attorneys and obtain investors' visas for themselves and their families (including maids). They have regrouped in gated developments in several Texas cities, where their growing influence has been compared to the impact of well-heeled Cuban refugees who arrived in Miami decades ago.

Nowhere is the evidence more striking than in San Antonio, Texas' second-largest city and a short private-jet hop from Monterrey, Mexico, where many of the new immigrants built their wealth. They have poured into developments with names like the Dominion, Stone Oak and Sonterra that were cut into the rocky hills and oak groves north of the Loop 1604 highway that rings the city.

More than 50,000 Mexican nationals now live permanently in San Antonio, city officials say, turning an upscale enclave known as "Sonterrey" or "Little Monterrey" into the city's second-fastest growing ZIP code.

Real estate agent Ana Sarabia caters to the new arrivals — finding them immigration lawyers, new schools, banks and office space — and sees them reshaping her hometown.

"I can see it transitioning," said Sarabia, 45, who lived for a time in Mexico City. "This has always been a bicultural city. Parts of it have now become a new Mexico."

There's Lorena Canales, 40, who moved from Monterrey with her two youngest children two and a half years ago to start a bilingual day care after witnessing a gun battle outside her local Wal-Mart.

Uriel Arnaiz, 40, relocated with his wife and 3-year-old son from Mexico City four years ago to open a high-end tequila import business after some of his son's friends were kidnapped.

José Ramos, 55, moved two years ago from Monterrey to open a restaurant, Vida Mia, after a relative was kidnapped and killed.

It's not clear whether new immigration policies being contemplated in Washington would affect this group of wealthy immigrants, who skip long immigration lines by hiring attorneys in Mexico to apply for business-related visas at U.S. consulates.

Most had to prove they were either employed by a multinational company or had a valid business plan and enough money to start their own. Some had to show American investments worth hundreds of thousands of dollars. Many moved in a matter of weeks, though some said the process had become more difficult in recent years, with tougher screening by U.S. consulates.

Costs vary depending on the type of visa. In many cases, it is cheaper than what a smuggler would charge for an illegal crossing. Attorney fees can range from $1,500 to $6,500, compared with coyote payments of $6,000 or more.

Arnaiz's initial visa allowed him to stay in the U.S. for up to a year. He was able to renew the visa, which is required every two years for up to seven years if he wants to stay. His wife and son were eligible for visas for the same time period (children under age 21 are eligible). While staying in the U.S. on those visas, they were allowed to pursue permanent residency, or green cards, which they got in recent months.

"There's a lot of requirements," Arnaiz said. "You need to have a real, sustainable project."

The visa for professions listed in the North American Free Trade Agreement is relatively quick and cheap to obtain, some said, with attorney fees ranging from $1,500 to $3,000.

During the last decade, the number of such visas issued to Mexicans annually skyrocketed from 686 to 7,601, according to the State Department.

The newcomers — nicknamed "migrantes fresas," or rich migrants — are conspicuous even in this largely Latino city. Sociologists compare the "Mexodus" of professionals to the wave of exiles who fled to Texas after the Mexican Revolution in 1910, or wealthy Cubans who decamped to South Florida after the revolution in 1959.

Former San Antonio Mayor and Secretary of Housing and Urban Development Henry Cisneros, whose grandfather was exiled to San Antonio during the Mexican Revolution, calls them a "new diaspora with the potential to rival the impact Cubans had on Miami."

Harriett Romo, a sociology professor and director of the Mexico Center at the University of Texas at San Antonio, has been studying a dozen Mexican families who immigrated through investor visas.

"What we're seeing is that they move into kind of a new Mexican enclave — it's not a barrio like you would see on the east side of L.A. or west side of San Antonio. It's an upscale Mexican neighborhood with parties at the country club," she said.


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