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Bay Bridge retrofit plan addresses failed bolts

Written By kolimtiga on Kamis, 09 Mei 2013 | 16.38

OAKLAND — State and regional transportation officials announced plans Wednesday for a retrofit to the new eastern span of the San Francisco-Oakland Bay Bridge that will cost up to $10 million and effectively do the job of nearly 100 massive bolts that failed earlier this year.

Questions remain, however, about whether the world's largest single-tower, self-anchored suspension span will open on Labor Day weekend as planned. The new span will replace the one that partially collapsed in the 1989 Loma Prieta earthquake.

"We believe the work can get done by Labor Day, but it will require extra shifts and perhaps a 24-hour-a-day operation and that will cost more money," Steve Heminger, executive director of the Metropolitan Transportation Commission, told the Bay Area Toll Authority Oversight Committee.

The thick steel bolts — which are 17 feet to 24 feet long — connect the bridge deck to so-called shear keys, which are designed to control movement during an earthquake. They were part of a batch manufactured and galvanized in 2008 and installed on the span, which has been in the works for years and has ballooned in cost to $6.4 billion.

When the 96 bolts, which were embedded in concrete and impossible to remove, were tightened earlier this year, a third of them broke, leaving the seismic safety of the massive endeavor in question.

That batch of bolts has been deemed too compromised to rely on.

The wild card, Heminger said, is whether bolts made from similar steel in 2010 — some equally large and some much smaller — will also have to be replaced before the bridge opens or simply monitored after the fact.

Commissioners were filled in Wednesday on the planned retrofit as well as a battery of tests being conducted on the bolts made in 2010.

Those bolts, which are accessible and can be swapped out for others, have not yet broken. "The longer they are not doing that, the more daylight we are seeing between the 2008 bolts and the 2010 bolts," Heminger said. A decision will probably be made by month's end on the bolts and the opening date.

In addition to Heminger, presenters included Andre Boutros, executive director of the California Transportation Commission, and Malcolm Dougherty, director of the California Department of Transportation. Their three organizations jointly oversee the bridge project.

Boutros said the group had opted for one of two finalists for the retrofit — a steel saddle that must be fabricated and will be clamped down on top of the shear key plates with tensioned cables. Another option, for a larger steel collar, would have cost as much as $20 million.

Caltrans has come under fire for using the galvanized steel bolts. U.S. industry standards and Caltrans' own guidelines warn against galvanizing the specific grade of steel used due to its hardness and tendency to break under extreme tension.

The massive bolts failed due to a phenomenon called hydrogen embrittlement, in which hydrogen atoms invade the spaces between the steel's crystalline structure and weaken it. That may have occurred during galvanization, or when the bolts sat for years untightened in casings that filled with water.

Caltrans has said that it asked the manufacturer to use a galvanization process less likely to cause hydrogen embrittlement but that in retrospect it should have tested the bolts more thoroughly in the lab before installing them.

When asked why Caltrans deviated from its own specifications, which warn against galvanizing this type of steel, Brian Maroney, deputy toll bridge manager at Caltrans, said that in his 25 years of bridge engineering, "every single project has special provisions, because those standards don't really fit and you have to come up with a technical solution.

"The Bay Bridge," he added, "has many, many, many special deviations away from the standard."

lee.romney@latimes.com


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Details emerge as Cleveland kidnapping suspect is charged

CLEVELAND — The man charged with kidnapping and raping three young women imprisoned in his Cleveland home for years is a "big bully" who apparently used chains and ropes to restrain his victims and let them outside just two times, to go into the garage, police said Wednesday as more details emerged about the accused's violent past.

Ariel Castro was to make his first court appearance Thursday morning, but his two brothers arrested with him this week — Pedro, 54, and Onil, 50 — were not charged and appear to have known nothing about their sibling's secret life, Deputy Police Chief Ed Tomba said.

Ariel Castro, 52, was charged Wednesday with three counts of rape and four counts of kidnapping. The kidnapping counts relate to the abductions of Michelle Knight in 2002, Amanda Berry in 2003, Gina DeJesus in 2004 and to the daughter born to a captive Berry six years ago. The rape counts refer to the women, who escaped Monday evening.

Tomba said Castro had waived his right against self-incrimination and had provided a detailed statement. Asked at a news conference about Pedro and Onil, Tomba said there was "absolutely" no indication they knew what was going on inside their brother's rundown house with the small American flag flying outside.

"There is nothing that leads us to believe they were involved or they had any knowledge of this, and that comes from statements of our victims, and their statements and their brother's statements. Ariel kept everybody at a distance," he said.

Later, Tomba described Ariel Castro as "the big bully" of his brothers. "You didn't get into his house," he added. "This guy, he ran the show. He … acted alone." Tomba said DNA had been taken from Castro to determine whether he was the father of Berry's young daughter.

The two brothers were to appear in court Thursday in connection with some outstanding misdemeanor warrants but could go free immediately afterward.

Officials refused to comment on some local media accounts, including that there were multiple pregnancies among the women during their captivity, that Berry gave birth in a plastic baby pool, and that Knight helped to deliver the infant and Castro threatened to kill her if the child died.

Cleveland's WKYC news quoted a police report as saying that the newborn stopped breathing, so Knight placed her mouth over the baby's and "breathed for her." Knight also told police that she became pregnant but was starved and repeatedly punched in the stomach until she miscarried, the report said.

Neither the women nor Berry's child was allowed to see a doctor, and officials said the women recalled being let out of the house only twice in all the years they were held. They never were permitted off the property, Tomba said, and they used hats and wigs found in the basement when they went into the garage.

As the horrors endured since their abductions became clearer, the women — two of them teenagers when they vanished — began trying to adjust to their new lives. It wasn't easy, as well-wishers and media thronged their family's homes, which are within a few miles of where they were kidnapped and where they were held captive.

Chants of "Gina! Gina!" rose as DeJesus, 14 when she vanished, emerged from a sport utility vehicle and rushed into her parents' home, her face obscured by a hooded sweat shirt, after flashing a thumbs-up sign. DeJesus did not speak, but her parents, Nancy and Felix, came outside to say that they had never stopped believing she would come home.

"I knew my daughter was out there alive. I knew she needed me, and I never gave up," her father told the jubilant crowd.

Berry, 16 when she vanished and the woman who led the rush out of Castro's home on Monday, also did not speak as she was ushered into the home of her sister, Beth Serrano. Yellow ribbons were tied to the trees and the front of the house was festooned with balloons, stuffed animals and a huge banner proclaiming: "WELCOME HOME AMANDA."

"I just want to say we are so happy to have Amanda and her daughter home," Serrano told the crowd outside.

Knight, 20 when she vanished, remained hospitalized in good condition.

The image that neighbors had of Ariel Castro, as a friendly man who enjoyed playing bass guitar in a local band, was in sharp contrast to the portrait that emerged from court documents and from interviews of an abusive and vindictive man who for years beat up the mother of his children and threatened to kill her, and who frightened her out of testifying about his abuse to a grand jury.

Grimilda Figueroa, who had three daughters and one son with Castro between 1981 and 1990, said in various court documents that in the years they were together, he twice broke her nose and fractured some ribs, knocked out one of her teeth and dislocated each of her shoulders. According to court records and interviews, a grand jury in 1994 was to hear testimony from Figueroa, but she backed out.

In a sworn affidavit later, Figueroa said Castro offered her money and a car to keep quiet. "He also told me, 'You know what will happen to you if you do testify,'" Figueroa said in the affidavit. "I knew that he would find me and assault me again. … I was unable to offer my testimony before the grand jury. I did not tell anyone about the threats."

The case was dropped. Figueroa said Castro attacked her again as she recovered from a surgery and kicked her in the head, at which point she moved out of their Cleveland house. About that time, in 1995, she met Fernando Colon, a security guard at a hospital. Colon, in a telephone interview, said Figueroa had injuries from Castro's abuse.

"When I saw her with the injuries and coming to the appointment … I offered her my help," he said. Colon and Figueroa eventually moved in together and had a son in 1998. They never married, but Colon said Castro always resented him.

"He was kind of upset about it, because I took the only thing he could control and abuse," Colon said. Figueroa died in 2012, and her lawyer could not be reached for comment.

The startling triple escape this week raised hopes among the families of other missing Cleveland women that Castro could help solve those cases. Among the missing is Ashley Summers, who was 14 when she disappeared in 2007 in the same area as the other abductions.

Asked about Summers, Tomba said: "As of right now, we don't anticipate any other victims where he is the suspect."

alana.semuels@latimes.com

tina.susman@latimes.com

Semuels reported from Cleveland and Susman from New York. Times staff writers Ari Bloomekatz, Michael Muskal and Matt Pearce in Los Angeles contributed to this report.


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Former Lt. Gov. Abel Maldonado criticizes Brown's prison policy

SACRAMENTO — Saying there is a "pretty good shot" he'll run for governor, former Lt. Gov. Abel Maldonado on Wednesday kicked off a drive against Gov. Jerry Brown's handling of prison crowding, labeling Brown's policies an "early release" program.

The Republican from Santa Maria, who lost a bid for Congress last year, said he was launching a campaign to repeal the governor's prison policies, implemented in late 2011 to meet court-ordered population limits in state lockups.

"Today will be the beginning [of the] end of early release," Maldonado declared at a news conference staged on the windy top of a parking garage, a made-for-TV shot of the state Capitol behind him. Beside him was an oversized placard bearing the image of an accused murderer whose case, it turned out, was unrelated to the new corrections law.

Maldonado said he was forming a political committee to gather signatures to put a repeal measure on next year's ballot. He is seeking to capitalize on the controversy over Brown's requirement that counties begin housing lower-level felons and parole violators who in the past would have done that time in prison.

Maldonado acknowledged that he does not have the financial backing for a statewide signature drive. Nor does he have his own plan to address prison crowding, although he said such a plan would probably include construction of new facilities.

That was a strategy pursued by then-Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger, who appointed Maldonado to the empty lieutenant governor post in 2009. Though the Legislature approved $4.1 billion in borrowing, when Brown took office amid a budget crisis, he canceled most of those planned projects.

The 2011 law that Maldonado denounces is called "realignment" by the Brown administration. In areas where the jails are full, it has led to early releases, though there is no statewide tally of those because county jail reports collected in Sacramento have not been updated since June 2012.

Maldonado blamed Brown, along with the Democratic-controlled Legislature, for what he said was a rise of violent crime in California, though he offered no statistics to support the claim.

"This is the biggest issue — it threatens the lives of Californians," he told The Times. "This notion of families being afraid to go out on the street, being afraid of parking garages, families who are just afraid.

"The governor uses a fancy word called realignment," Maldonado said. "At the end of the day, it's early release.... A shell game is what it is."

On Wednesday, Maldonado pointed to a larger-than-life police mug of Jerome Anthony Rogers, 57, who is accused of murdering a 76-year-old San Bernardino woman, and recounted Rogers' history of "sodomizing a 14-year-old girl."

Rogers' alleged crime appeared to have little or no connection with realignment. California corrections officials said he was released from state prison in 2000 and finished parole in 2003, eight years before Brown's policy change took effect.

San Bernardino County corrections officials confirmed that Rogers, who has pleaded not guilty to murder in the woman's slaying, had no other criminal record in San Bernardino until December 2012, when he was sentenced to, and served, 13 days in jail for failing to register his address as a transient sex offender. That time behind bars occurred one month after the slaying.

A Maldonado advisor said Wednesday that Rogers' case was touted because "he is a prime example" of the public safety threat created by prison realignment.

"It's people like him who are being released," said the advisor, Jeffrey Corless. He could not specify, however, what about Rogers would put him in that category.

Maldonado's event attracted a representative from the Brown administration, corrections department spokesman Jeffrey Callison, who took issue with use of the term "early release."

"It's quite simple," Callison said. "There is no early release program called realignment. Realignment is not an early release program. There are no early releases as part of it."

paige.stjohn@latimes.com

seema.mehta@latimes.com

St. John reported from Sacramento and Mehta from Long Beach.


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DWP average pay rose 15%, despite flagging economy

Written By kolimtiga on Rabu, 08 Mei 2013 | 16.38

Average employee pay at the Los Angeles Department of Water and Power rose 15% over the last five years, despite an economic slump that ravaged the city's budget, records released Tuesday show.

DWP workers received significantly more generous pay increases than other city workers, who received an average raise of 9% over the same period.

The median household income for Los Angeles residents — the public utility's customers — fell over roughly the same period, from $48,882 in 2008 to $46,148 in 2011, the latest year for which U.S. census numbers are available. By contrast, the average DWP pay rose from $88,299 in 2008 to $101,237 in 2012. DWP pay grew at about three times the rate of inflation in the Greater Los Angeles Area.

DWP compensation has become a central issue in the May 21 mayoral election, in which there has been much debate over whether the city's labor contracts are too costly given the fiscal problems that have resulted in major cuts in services.

The union representing most of the DWP's workers has become the single biggest source of campaign cash in the race, giving $1.45 million to an independent effort backing City Controller Wendy Greuel.

The only pay growth comparable to the DWP came at the city Fire Department, where average total salary and other payments also rose 15% over the five years to $132,131. But officials note that about 300 positions were cut from the Fire Department in that period, which required increased overtime payments to fill positions.

The firefighters' union, which is also backing Greuel, has spent about $250,000 on her campaign.

Average Los Angeles police officer pay increased by 2% over the same period, The Times analysis found.

The Times requested the DWP pay data in early February. Agency administrators repeatedly postponed the release, saying more time was needed to ensure that disclosing the information would not endanger employees.

The state of California, Los Angeles County and the city of Los Angeles routinely release their payroll with employees' names. Courts have allowed rare exceptions when employees' safety might be put in danger, such as undercover police officers and people who have restraining orders against potentially violent stalkers.

The DWP was poised to release the data last week. But the employees' union sued the agency, seeking more time for its roughly 8,000 members to object to the disclosure of their names. At a Los Angeles County Superior Court hearing Tuesday, the city attorney's office said it found 112 employees who may have restraining orders. An additional 357 are on disability leave and might not be aware of the pending release of information, Chief Deputy City Atty. William Carter told the court.

After the hearing, the union and the DWP agreed to release the pay data without names. Both sides are due in court again Wednesday to argue over disclosing employees' identities with their earnings.

The union may have relented because keeping the information secret has become a public relations problem, turning a once coveted political backing into a potential liability, said Jaime Regalado, professor emeritus of political science at Cal State L.A. "It looked really bad that they were trying to block access to their incomes," he said.

And the timing of the pay increases probably won't play well, he said. "The fact that they were those five years, when virtually all other city workers had to bite the bullet, it looks bad."

The $101,237 average pay covers more than 10,000 employees, including temporary workers and full-time staffers. They range from the highest-paid engineers to line workers to customer service representatives.

DWP spokesman Joseph Ramallo attributed the pay increases to a range of factors including cost-of-living adjustments and variations in annual overtime payments.

The Times analysis found average base pay at the DWP increased 19% over the five-year period. Unused vacation time payouts for retiring employees jumped 32%. And "other pay", which includes disability payments and compensation for unused sick time, rose 46%.

Overtime, which Ramallo said is driven mostly by responding to storm damage, was 22% lower in 2012 than it had been in 2008.

Last week, the Times reported that the DWP's average worker pay was $99,308 in 2011, the most recent data available at the time. That was more than 50% higher than other city employees. Also, DWP employees were paid about 25% more than workers at comparable public and private utilities, according to a report commissioned by the City Council last year. In addition, agency employees receive free healthcare benefits.

The report set off a frenzy of finger-pointing by Greuel and her rival, Councilman Eric Garcetti, who blamed each other for the agency's comparatively high pay.

Greuel noted that Garcetti voted for two sets of DWP raises in 2005 and 2009. Garcetti pointed out that Greuel voted for the 2005 raise too, and didn't have a vote in 2009 because she left the City Council to become controller.

On Tuesday, Greuel spokeswoman Laura Wilkinson accused Garcetti of championing the "reckless" 2009 raise, which came at a time when city residents "could least afford it." In the same period, funding for firefighters and 911 emergency response service was being slashed, she said.

Garcetti spokesman Jeff Millman said the 15% raises at the municipal utility are "exactly why the DWP [union] is spending a record amount of money to buy this election for Wendy Greuel, to protect the status quo."

Dan Schnur, director of the Jesse M. Unruh Institute of Politics at USC, said the candidates should tell voters how they would negotiate a new contract as mayor to fix the problem.

"Each candidate has been very specific about what their opponent did wrong on this issue in the past," he said. "These numbers should push the discussion toward what they'll do if elected."

jack.dolan@latimes.com

Times staff writer Doug Smith contributed to this report.


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Iranian presidential candidates register for June election

TEHRAN — Iranian presidential candidates began registering Tuesday for the national election next month to choose a successor to Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.

Although there has been considerable political suspense over who will run, voter enthusiasm has appeared lukewarm as many Iranians are focused on economic survival in a nation battered by Western sanctions.

About two dozen potential presidential hopefuls have emerged publicly so far. Office-seekers must register by Saturday to be considered for inclusion on the ballot.

The June 14 presidential election will be the first since the disputed 2009 balloting, when Ahmadinejad won a second term amid vote-rigging allegations that triggered massive street protests. The reformist leaders from 2009 remain under house arrest.

Iran's supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, has made it clear that 2009-style chaos will not be tolerated. Several conservative candidates close to Khamenei are considered early favorites to succeed Ahmadinejad, who is barred by law from seeking a third term.

Among those registering Tuesday were Hassan Rowhani, who formerly headed Iran's nuclear negotiating team. In comments to reporters, Rowhani pledged to pursue "diplomatic engagement" and seek progress on stalled nuclear talks with world powers.

Iran faces a looming confrontation with the West and Israel about its controversial nuclear program. Iran says its nuclear efforts are for peaceful purposes, but U.S. officials suspect that Iran may be seeking atomic weapons capability.

As election day nears, there is considerable intrigue about the prospective candidacies of several high-profile political figures.

A major question is whether either of two former presidents — Ayatollah Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani and Mohammad Khatami — would seek the office again. Both are considered moderates.

Many are also watching to see if Ahmadinejad's close aide, Esfandiar Rahim Mashaei, will enter the race. The president has lost favor with many but is keen to preserve his influence after leaving office.

To be on the ballot, all candidates must pass muster with the powerful Guardian Council, made up of clerics and jurists.

Mostaghim is a special correspondent. Times staff writer Patrick J. McDonnell in Beirut contributed to this report.


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U.S. and Russia to seek Syria peace talks

MOSCOW — The United States and Russia agreed Tuesday to try to bring together the government of Syrian President Bashar Assad and the opposition for peace talks, signaling a potential breakthrough in long-stalled diplomatic efforts to end a bloody conflict that threatens to destabilize the entire region.

The proposed peace conference, announced by Secretary of State John F. Kerry and Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov after a day of talks, appeared to reflect a softening of Russia's staunch support of Assad.

"I would like to emphasize that we … are not interested in the fate of certain persons," Lavrov told reporters. "We are interested in the fate of the total Syrian people."

Lavrov said the U.S. and Russia were committed to a deal that would guarantee the "sovereignty and territorial integrity" of Syria and would follow the approach of a diplomatic agreement worked out by world powers last year.

"We are convinced that this will be the best and shortest way to resolve the Syrian crisis," he said.

The developments in Moscow seemed to signal a revival of the so-called Geneva communique, agreed to in June at a special meeting of the "Action Group for Syria" convened by Kofi Annan, the former United Nations-Arab League special envoy.

The communique's road map for a peaceful political transition in Syria was sidelined amid differences between Moscow and Washington on a fundamental issue: the future of Bashar Assad. Before the Geneva session, then-Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton had pushed for an explicit guarantee that Assad would have to relinquish power, but Russia balked.

The final communique called for a transitional governing structure in Syria, with full executive powers, created with "mutual consent." At Russia's insistence, the communique specified that the transitional Syrian administration could include members of the current government and the opposition, although U.S. officials insisted that the "mutual consent" language basically meant Assad had to go.

But the process never got underway, and the violence has accelerated, leaving more than 70,000 dead, according to U.N. estimates.

Forcing Assad's removal remains a formidable hurdle for Moscow, one that looms large in any prospective peace plan that may emerge from the latest U.S.-Russian initiative.

But Moscow's softening position now may reflect a growing urgency in finding a diplomatic solution at a moment when it appears Syria's 2-year-old civil war could explode into a regionwide proxy struggle entangling the United States, Israel, Russia, Iran and its neighboring states. The Obama administration has been threatening in recent days to increase its military role in support of the rebels, and over the weekend, Israel reportedly struck Syrian targets twice.

Yet it remains unclear whether the two sides will be able to bring together Assad, who has insisted he would never surrender his post, and the rebels, who have refused to negotiate with him.

Lavrov and Kerry provided no immediate details on how they hoped to overcome those obstacles. Kerry said world powers had no choice but to apply all possible pressure.

"The alternative is that there is even more violence," Kerry told reporters. "The alternative is that Syria heads closer to the abyss, if not over the abyss, and into chaos."

Lavrov suggested that the rebels might be the holdouts.

"The opposition has not yet expressed its adherence to settlement based on the Geneva communique, and the opposition has not yet named a negotiator on its behalf," Lavrov said.

Kerry said they hoped to bring together the meeting "as soon as practical" — perhaps by the end of the month.

In Washington, President Obama, facing criticism that he has fallen short of his commitments on Syria, promised that he would follow through as he had in killing Osama bin Laden and ousting former Libyan leader Moammar Kadafi.

"I would just point out that there have been several instances during the course of my presidency where I said I was going to do something, and it ended up getting done," Obama said during a White House news conference with South Korean President Park Geun-hye.

He said that there have been times when there had been "folks on the sidelines wondering why" a promise hadn't been fulfilled by a certain date.

"But in the end, whether it's Bin Laden or Kadafi, if we say we're taking a position I would think at this point the international community has a pretty good sense that we typically follow through on our commitments," he said.

Obama said that "understandably, there's a desire for easy answers." But he said he was measuring decisions "not based on a hope and a prayer but on hard-headed analysis in terms of what will actually make us safer and stabilize the region."

He repeated that he would move carefully in determining whether chemical weapons had been used by the Syrian regime, a move he has said would be a "red line" for his administration. He said he couldn't reach a decision based on the "perceived" use of such weapons.

sergei.loiko@latimes.com

paul.richter@latimes.com

Loiko reported from Moscow and Richter from Washington. Times staff writer Patrick J. McDonnell in Beirut contributed to this report.


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Tiny Julian sticks by its volunteer fire department

Written By kolimtiga on Selasa, 07 Mei 2013 | 16.38

JULIAN, Calif. — To the outside world, this mountain hamlet in northeast San Diego County is best known for apple pie, snow during the holiday season and bed-and-breakfasts that cater to romantic flatlanders.

For many of its 1,500 residents, however, the essence of their community is represented not by the delights that await tourists but by the dedication and heroism of the volunteer fire department that has guarded their homes and businesses for four decades.

In Southern California's never-ending fight against backcountry, wind-driven brush fires, Julian is on the front lines.

So when officials from the San Diego County Fire Authority came to Julian with an offer — more money for station operations and vehicle maintenance, two full-time, professional firefighters, better training for volunteers and better coordination with surrounding fire agencies — the terms were enticing. Volunteers could remain if they could pass new physical fitness standards.

But in exchange for additional county support, the Julian-Cuyamaca Fire Protection District, like the other small fire departments, would be required to dissolve as a stand-alone agency with its own locally elected board and cede control to the county Board of Supervisors, 70 miles away.

"If you want the money, you've got to be part of the team," said Supervisor Dianne Jacob.

The Fire Authority approach to regional consolidation was adopted in 2008 after a series of fires destroyed thousands of homes in the eastern and northern stretches of the county, as well as inside the San Diego city limits. The fires highlighted the problems of fire protection provided by a patchwork of independent agencies.

Although she understands the pull of local control, Jacob thinks the Fire Authority offer provides better fire protection, quicker response to medical emergencies and lower fire-insurance premiums for property owners.

There have been misgivings in other areas about their volunteer departments coming under the Fire Authority. But nowhere has the opposition been stronger than in Julian.

Meetings of the Julian board were heated as the community debated the offer. Friendships were broken. Disagreements could frequently be heard in the post office parking lot.

Finally, last month, the governing board deadlocked 2 to 2 — a rejection of county control. A fifth spot on the board, a potential tiebreaker, is vacant. But even when the vacancy is filled this summer, neither side is interested in revisiting the issue.

"As contentious as the issue was, I don't think any of us want to go through it again," said board President Jack Shelver, who supported accepting the Fire Authority offer even though, as a retired city manager from Lemon Grove, he describes himself as "a local-control kind of guy."

Volunteer fire departments are a defining feature not just of Julian but of much of San Diego County.

About 400 volunteer firefighters, spread among 30 stations and 10 departments, protect 60% of the sprawling county, according to the nonprofit San Diego County Regional Fire Foundation.

The volunteers answer 6,000 medical and fire emergencies a year, said Frank Ault, the foundation's board chairman and also chairman of the Mt. Laguna Volunteer Fire Department. The foundation has provided more than $4 million to the volunteer departments for radios, thermal-imaging cameras, emergency lighting, saws, water rescue gear, protective clothing and other equipment.

Volunteer firefighters "extinguish hundreds of brush fires annually, so they do not become the firestorms of 2003 and 2007," Ault said.

Civic memories are long in Julian, and the debate frequently referenced the early 1970s, when the county dropped its contract with the state for fire protection in the backcountry areas.

Alone among major California counties, San Diego County does not have its own fire department. The Fire Authority is a loose confederation whose chief works for the California Department of Forestry and Fire Protection, the state fire protection agency.

"We started the Julian department with a lot of used equipment and dedicated people when the county government turned its back on us," said Marie Hutchinson, 70, who was a volunteer firefighter in Julian for 27 years and whose late husband was chief. "It's an integral part of the community, not just a few people."

Funds were raised through bake sales, pancake breakfasts and spaghetti dinners. Volunteers built the fire station. The department's No. 1 engine had been donated by a big-city department that considered it unusable.

The department has a small tax base and, even without joining the Fire Authority, gets a measure of financial support from the county government.

In 2003, when the Cedar fire came roaring from the Cleveland National Forest, Julian volunteers worked beside hundreds of firefighters from agencies throughout the state. Some 1,500 firefighters encircled the town.

A local highway is dedicated to the memory of Steve Rucker, a firefighter from Novato, Calif., who was killed in the Cedar blaze. His picture hangs in a place of honor in the Julian station.

Julian's three dozen volunteers battled the Cedar fire even though several lost their homes to flames. In 2007, during the Witch fire, the Julian volunteers again came running.

"Julian people are very passionate about their volunteer fire department," said Michael Hart, owner and co-publisher of the weekly Julian News. "When we call out the volunteers, we get 20 guys in a heartbeat."

Board member Janet Bragdon said she was tempted by the Fire Authority offer. But she was soured by the back-and-forth of negotiations with Fire Authority officials. In the end, the idea of ceding control to out-of-towners was too much.

"You could get people who don't know the area, don't know the calls," Bragdon said. "They're not community people — this is a community-oriented town up here. The good people of Julian are not going to let their fire department be dissolved."

tony.perry@latimes.com


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Eric Garcetti, Wendy Greuel find common ground in USC debate

Despite bitter attacks in recent weeks, the two candidates for mayor of Los Angeles grudgingly conceded in a debate Sunday night that their rival was (mostly) honest and not so different on many of the plans they have for leading the city.

That didn't mean City Councilman Eric Garcetti and Controller Wendy Greuel didn't find plenty of opportunity for attacks on each other's trustworthiness and independence. But they also laid out records that they said made them most qualified to replace Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa, who is leaving office June 30 after serving the maximum two terms.

Greuel cited her audits of city departments and her experience developing housing and community programs, as a staffer for former Mayor Tom Bradley and, later, in the administration of President Clinton.

Garcetti repeated his admonition that voters look at improvements in his council district — from Hollywood to Silver Lake and Atwater Village. He stressed his work on the city's recent pension reform and presented a diverse public resume that includes service in the U.S. Naval Reserve.

The debate at USC's Galen Center was sponsored by the university and the Los Angeles Times and broadcast live on KTLA-TV (Channel 5). Co-moderators Jim Newton, the Times' editor-at-large, and Dan Schnur, director of the Jesse M. Unruh Institute of Politics at USC, attempted to cut through the recent attacks.

Newton noted the negative tone that has prevailed and asked each candidate whether they believed the other was "a dishonest person." They both said "No." But each couldn't resist adding caveats that made the other look like less than a pillar of rectitude.

After saying he "had a ton of respect" for Greuel, Garcetti added that heavy campaign spending on his opponent's behalf — by the union representing workers at the Department of Water and Power — was changing the dynamics of what should be a "democratic" election. "No one interest," Garcetti added, "should counterbalance the people's interest."

Greuel also said she would not call her opponent dishonest. She then added that Garcetti needed to come clean about ethics violations that she said were epitomized by his failure to properly disclose his family's oil lease for a property near Beverly Hills High School.

"I think it is important as we go forward to say who is going to be the trustworthy and clear leader," Greuel said.

The two candidates agreed on many issues Sunday as they have throughout much of the campaign. Both supported the idea of more frequent evaluations for public school teachers. Both described policies they had employed to make neighborhoods more pedestrian friendly.

Garcetti and Greuel said they supported federal immigration reform but opposed provisions that would limit funds for family reunification and limit the rights of same-sex partners.

About 20 minutes into the debate, moderator Schnur asked the two candidates whether they disagreed with any of the policy prescriptions that their rival had outlined so far. Both answered "No."

Among the new programs Garcetti, 42, said he would like to initiate were funding for summer jobs for all high school students who want them and to initiate a green energy program that he said could lead to as many as 20,000 jobs.

Garcetti said he would use federal community block grant funds to pay for jobs for an estimated 10,000 teenagers who applied but were not hired last summer. Greuel wondered what other block grant programs would have to be cut to make that happen.

Among his achievements, Garcetti cited a two-thirds drop in violent crime in his district, which he has represented for 12 years, and the creation of 31 new parks.

Greuel, 51, said she wanted to create a "tech fund" to assist new startups in the city. She also cited the dozens of audits her office has completed as evidence that she would be able to find savings to fund other city programs.

When the debate turned to job training, for instance, Greuel said she had audited the city's job training program and found that only 4% of the funds went to training and the rest to job placement. "Placement," she said incredulously, "at a time when we have no jobs."

She cited other audit findings that she said could produce real savings: the failure of the Department of Transportation to adequately collect parking ticket fines, waste in city employee's cellphone use and wasteful expenditures on gas for city vehicles.

Garcetti has mocked the controller's work, saying she had produced little real savings. But Greuel countered that, as controller, her job was to find problems. She faulted the council for not putting many of her recommendations into action.

"I work for the taxpayers of Los Angeles," Greuel said. "I don't work for anybody else."

Moderator Schnur asked Greuel about the historic nature of her campaign and whether voters should support her to elect the first woman mayor of Los Angeles.

"People need to judge me on what I've been able to accomplish," Greuel said, "but there is a historical nature to it."

"I met a little girl today, 6 years old, who said I understand that you might be the first woman mayor and her eyes lit up because I was going to be a role model for her," Greuel said. She also noted that, depending on the outcome of the May 21 election, the council could have no female members. As controller, she is only the second woman elected citywide.

Garcetti, who has an Italian last name, pointed out that he could also make a historic breakthrough — as the city's first elected Jewish mayor (one was appointed in the 1880s, but only for a year). As he has throughout the campaign, he noted that his father's parents both emigrated from Mexico and that it would be helpful to continue to have a mayor "who is Latino and speaks Spanish."

"What I've said is 'I don't want your vote because I'm Latino or Jewish. I don't want your vote because I speak Spanish,' " Garcetti said. "I want your vote because of my record

james.rainey@latimes.com

maeve.reston@latimes.com


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Smashed U.S. cars get second chance in Afghanistan

HERAT, Afghanistan — They sit in the sun harboring their lost histories, their forgotten dreams, their traces of funerals, graduations and stolen kisses. On dusty windshields, insurance stickers from Travelers and State Farm bear witness to wrecks in "Metro DC," "Hardin, Texas," and "North Hollywood," some with bright orange "total loss" decals.

For their former owners, that was it, nothing left but a story to recount of a corner rounded too quickly, a red light run, one too many drinks for the road.

But here on the highway to Iran, thousands of used cars from America and Western Europe begin a second life.

Afghanistan doesn't manufacture its own cars, or much else, so most vehicles sold here are "pre-owned" (and many pre-crashed — but with barely a dent thanks to deft repair work by local body shops).

Most begin their journey by ship to a new world of unpaved roads, kidnappers and Islamist militants after being auctioned to middlemen by U.S. or European insurers. The vehicles land in Dubai or other ports and are then transferred onto other ships bound for Pakistan or — after being resold to circumvent U.S. and European sanctions — Iran.

The final leg of their trip to this "graveyard of empires" (and Toyota Corollas) is via transport truck.

American brands don't sell as well as Japanese and are hard to find parts for, said Abdullah, a salesman with Herat's Tamin Ansar Autos who, like many Afghans, uses only one name. "I know one guy who sells Fords," he said. "He sold them very cheap. They use too much gas."

Musty interiors reveal vestiges of former lives, from sweat-stained lumbar supports and air-freshener strips to coffee-stained upholstery and shag carpeting.

Dealers in this Muslim country are careful to remove such potentially offensive hitchhikers as liquor bottles and pork-sandwich wrappers. "No one worries if 'infidels' drove them, as long as they're cleaned," said car-lot owner Abdul Aziz, 35.

Some lots sport frayed colored flags and one has a rusting model airplane out front, but there isn't much devoted to marketing, as evidenced by dealers who apparently see insurance "collision" stickers as a point of pride.

Prices range from $15,000 for late-model used Toyotas to $2,500 for aging wrecks. Unlike their American cousins, most northern European cars here aren't accident victims and thus command higher prices.

"I think Germans and Swiss must be better drivers, neater, more law abiding," Aziz said as a chicken strutted past. "Americans have that cowboy history."

Used-car importing became a lucrative business after Taliban rule ended in late 2001. But uncertainty tied to the departure of foreign combat troops in 2014 is now hurting the Afghan economy.

On a recent Friday, normally the week's busiest shopping day, a handful of shoppers browsed the half-mile strip of 30 or so used-car lots lining both sides of the road a few miles west of Herat.

"We have nothing but time," said Aziz, watching as his 3-year-old son, Omar, and friend Kaihan, 8, took one of his cars for a spin. Kaihan sat atop a booster on the driver's seat, and Aziz said Omar also sometimes took the wheel. Sure, he said, the kids are too young for driver's licenses, but they stay inside the lot and have never had an accident.

Three years ago, customers snapped up two or three of the road warriors a day, dealers say. Now two weeks can pass without a sale.

Sangin, 40, said he's lucky to clear $50 a month as both salesman and security guard, compared with $200 a couple of years back.

"People are worried about the future," he said, standing near a Toyota 4Runner bearing Virginia safety stickers splattered with bird poop. "They're just not spending."

Amid a sea of Corollas sit a few used trucks, Korean ambulances and high-end SUVs. "I don't deal with warlord customers," Abdullah said. "Besides, most don't buy used cars. Armored vehicles are specially ordered." Toyota Land Cruisers and Lexus are the models of choice, with most "hardened" in Dubai, United Arab Emirates.

Shams, 33, pulled into the Baharan Jadid Auto Co. lot on a dented motorbike and looked over a Suzuki sedan without air conditioning for $3,000 as salesman Rahmatullah popped open a hood to reveal a dust-caked engine. Shams then considered a nearby air-chilled sedan for $500 more.


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Tiny Julian sticks by its volunteer fire department

Written By kolimtiga on Senin, 06 Mei 2013 | 16.38

JULIAN, Calif. — To the outside world, this mountain hamlet in northeast San Diego County is best known for apple pie, snow during the holiday season and bed-and-breakfasts that cater to romantic flatlanders.

For many of its 1,500 residents, however, the essence of their community is represented not by the delights that await tourists but by the dedication and heroism of the volunteer fire department that has guarded their homes and businesses for four decades.

In Southern California's never-ending fight against backcountry, wind-driven brush fires, Julian is on the front lines.

So when officials from the San Diego County Fire Authority came to Julian with an offer — more money for station operations and vehicle maintenance, two full-time, professional firefighters, better training for volunteers and better coordination with surrounding fire agencies — the terms were enticing. Volunteers could remain if they could pass new physical fitness standards.

But in exchange for additional county support, the Julian-Cuyamaca Fire Protection District, like the other small fire departments, would be required to dissolve as a stand-alone agency with its own locally elected board and cede control to the county Board of Supervisors, 70 miles away.

"If you want the money, you've got to be part of the team," said Supervisor Dianne Jacob.

The Fire Authority approach to regional consolidation was adopted in 2008 after a series of fires destroyed thousands of homes in the eastern and northern stretches of the county, as well as inside the San Diego city limits. The fires highlighted the problems of fire protection provided by a patchwork of independent agencies.

Although she understands the pull of local control, Jacob thinks the Fire Authority offer provides better fire protection, quicker response to medical emergencies and lower fire-insurance premiums for property owners.

There have been misgivings in other areas about their volunteer departments coming under the Fire Authority. But nowhere has the opposition been stronger than in Julian.

Meetings of the Julian board were heated as the community debated the offer. Friendships were broken. Disagreements could frequently be heard in the post office parking lot.

Finally, last month, the governing board deadlocked 2 to 2 — a rejection of county control. A fifth spot on the board, a potential tiebreaker, is vacant. But even when the vacancy is filled this summer, neither side is interested in revisiting the issue.

"As contentious as the issue was, I don't think any of us want to go through it again," said board President Jack Shelver, who supported accepting the Fire Authority offer even though, as a retired city manager from Lemon Grove, he describes himself as "a local-control kind of guy."

Volunteer fire departments are a defining feature not just of Julian but of much of San Diego County.

About 400 volunteer firefighters, spread among 30 stations and 10 departments, protect 60% of the sprawling county, according to the nonprofit San Diego County Regional Fire Foundation.

The volunteers answer 6,000 medical and fire emergencies a year, said Frank Ault, the foundation's board chairman and also chairman of the Mt. Laguna Volunteer Fire Department. The foundation has provided more than $4 million to the volunteer departments for radios, thermal-imaging cameras, emergency lighting, saws, water rescue gear, protective clothing and other equipment.

Volunteer firefighters "extinguish hundreds of brush fires annually, so they do not become the firestorms of 2003 and 2007," Ault said.

Civic memories are long in Julian, and the debate frequently referenced the early 1970s, when the county dropped its contract with the state for fire protection in the backcountry areas.

Alone among major California counties, San Diego County does not have its own fire department. The Fire Authority is a loose confederation whose chief works for the California Department of Forestry and Fire Protection, the state fire protection agency.

"We started the Julian department with a lot of used equipment and dedicated people when the county government turned its back on us," said Marie Hutchinson, 70, who was a volunteer firefighter in Julian for 27 years and whose late husband was chief. "It's an integral part of the community, not just a few people."

Funds were raised through bake sales, pancake breakfasts and spaghetti dinners. Volunteers built the fire station. The department's No. 1 engine had been donated by a big-city department that considered it unusable.

The department has a small tax base and, even without joining the Fire Authority, gets a measure of financial support from the county government.

In 2003, when the Cedar fire came roaring from the Cleveland National Forest, Julian volunteers worked beside hundreds of firefighters from agencies throughout the state. Some 1,500 firefighters encircled the town.

A local highway is dedicated to the memory of Steve Rucker, a firefighter from Novato, Calif., who was killed in the Cedar blaze. His picture hangs in a place of honor in the Julian station.

Julian's three dozen volunteers battled the Cedar fire even though several lost their homes to flames. In 2007, during the Witch fire, the Julian volunteers again came running.

"Julian people are very passionate about their volunteer fire department," said Michael Hart, owner and co-publisher of the weekly Julian News. "When we call out the volunteers, we get 20 guys in a heartbeat."

Board member Janet Bragdon said she was tempted by the Fire Authority offer. But she was soured by the back-and-forth of negotiations with Fire Authority officials. In the end, the idea of ceding control to out-of-towners was too much.

"You could get people who don't know the area, don't know the calls," Bragdon said. "They're not community people — this is a community-oriented town up here. The good people of Julian are not going to let their fire department be dissolved."

tony.perry@latimes.com


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Israel says strikes in Syria target arms for Hezbollah

JERUSALEM — With three airstrikes against Syria since January, Israel has inserted itself forcefully into the "Arab Spring's" most intractable conflict, heightening fears that Syria's civil war could spiral into a regional conflagration.

The bombings of targets near the Syrian capital — including two strikes in a 48-hour period beginning Friday — represent a risk-laden strategy based on the calculation that retaliatory attacks against Israel by Syria or its allies are unlikely. Still the bombings inevitably raised the specter of a broader regional war in the heart of the volatile Middle East.

But even as some Israeli officials quietly confirmed their military's involvement in Sunday's predawn assault on a reported weapons compound, they insisted their goals are narrow and portrayed the engagement as defensive and largely unrelated to the more-than-two-year uprising against the rule of Syrian President Bashar Assad.

Rather than trying to weaken Assad or tilt the scales for either side, Israelis say they have an eye on the prospective next war — against the Lebanese militant group Hezbollah, which is backed by both Iran and Syria.

The aim of the airstrikes, Israeli officials say, is to prevent Syria's advanced weaponry, much of it made in Iran, from being transferred to Lebanon and into the armories of Hezbollah.

"If we don't take action now, we will be on the receiving end of those missiles," said a senior Israeli government official who declined to be named because Israel has not officially confirmed unleashing the attacks. "We have to act to guarantee our security, and that applies to Syria and Iran."

Despite acknowledging Israel's role in the aerial strikes, the official would not specify the targets. He said Sunday's foray was aimed at preventing Hezbollah from adding a new kind of missile capability to its already sizable arsenal, which reportedly includes tens of thousands of rockets, some capable of carrying heavy payloads deep into Israel.

Israeli and U.S. news reports have suggested that one target was a facility housing either Iranian-made Fateh-110 surface-to-surface missiles or their Syrian counterpart, the M-600.

The Syrian Foreign Ministry, in a letter of protest to the United Nations, said Israeli missiles on Sunday struck three military sites — in the Damascus suburb of Jamraya, where a sprawling defense research complex is situated; in Maysaloun, close to the Lebanese border; and at a "paragliding airport" in Al-Dimas, also near the Lebanese frontier. The bombings caused an unspecified number of deaths and "widespread destruction," the Foreign Ministry said. Syria vowed to strike back but provided no details.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has repeatedly warned Syria that transferring chemical or advanced weapons to Hezbollah would be a red line as far as Israel is concerned. But with Assad's survival uncertain, Israeli analysts say that Hezbollah and Iran feel an urgency to transfer sophisticated weapons to Lebanon.

In Syria, where the thunderous explosions shook the capital early Sunday, officials sought to cast the Israeli "aggression" as a propaganda victory — evidence of Damascus' longtime assertion that the rebellion is in fact choreographed from Washington and Israel, and features an alliance of Al Qaeda-linked rebels, Israel and the West. The attacks were portrayed by the official news agency as a desperate bid to raise the morale of rebel "gunmen" dispirited after a series of recent battlefield losses.

A Foreign Ministry official in Damascus told CNN that the attacks were a "declaration of war."

Syrian opposition figures contacted did not want to be associated with an attack by Israel. "I don't think Israel would do us a favor," said one opposition activist in Damascus.

For the time being, the strikes seemed unlikely to affect the course of the Syrian conflict, now in its third year

According to Syrian officials, the Jamraya defense compound that was hit Sunday was targeted by Israel in a Jan. 30 airstrike, its first aerial attack during the Syrian civil conflict.

The targeting suggests that Israeli officials view the Jamraya compound — situated about 20 miles from the Lebanese border — as a crucial distribution center for armaments headed to Hezbollah.

Some reports from Syria indicated that the targets included not only the Hezbollah arms pipeline but also Republican Guard bases, antiaircraft batteries and other more traditional military sites. Such targeting, if confirmed, would seem to blur the line between Israel's avowed noninvolvement in Syria's civil war and its determination to stop weaponry destined for Hezbollah.

Among the lingering questions about the weekend raids was whether Israeli jets entered Syrian airspace or instead fired rockets from positions above neighboring Lebanon. Authorities in Beirut have complained of stepped-up Israeli violations of Lebanese airspace.

Despite the clear risk of retaliation, Israeli officials seem confident that both the Syrian government and Hezbollah are too preoccupied with Assad's struggle for survival to open a new front with Israel. Hezbollah has acknowledged dispatching some fighters to Syria to battle rebels.

Any attack on Israel probably would trigger a devastating Israeli response. The Israeli bombing campaign during the 2006 war with Hezbollah resulted in massive damage to militant strongholds in southern Beirut and elsewhere. Iran picked up much of the reconstruction tab.


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Eric Garcetti, Wendy Greuel find common ground in USC debate

Despite bitter attacks in recent weeks, the two candidates for mayor of Los Angeles grudgingly conceded in a debate Sunday night that their rival was (mostly) honest and not so different on many of the plans they have for leading the city.

That didn't mean City Councilman Eric Garcetti and Controller Wendy Greuel didn't find plenty of opportunity for attacks on each other's trustworthiness and independence. But they also laid out records that they said made them most qualified to replace Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa, who is leaving office June 30 after serving the maximum two terms.

Greuel cited her audits of city departments and her experience developing housing and community programs, as a staffer for former Mayor Tom Bradley and, later, in the administration of President Clinton.

Garcetti repeated his admonition that voters look at improvements in his council district — from Hollywood to Silver Lake and Atwater Village. He stressed his work on the city's recent pension reform and presented a diverse public resume that includes service in the U.S. Naval Reserve.

The debate at USC's Galen Center was sponsored by the university and the Los Angeles Times and broadcast live on KTLA-TV (Channel 5). Co-moderators Jim Newton, the Times' editor-at-large, and Dan Schnur, director of the Jesse M. Unruh Institute of Politics at USC, attempted to cut through the recent attacks.

Newton noted the negative tone that has prevailed and asked each candidate whether they believed the other was "a dishonest person." They both said "No." But each couldn't resist adding caveats that made the other look like less than a pillar of rectitude.

After saying he "had a ton of respect" for Greuel, Garcetti added that heavy campaign spending on his opponent's behalf — by the union representing workers at the Department of Water and Power — was changing the dynamics of what should be a "democratic" election. "No one interest," Garcetti added, "should counterbalance the people's interest."

Greuel also said she would not call her opponent dishonest. She then added that Garcetti needed to come clean about ethics violations that she said were epitomized by his failure to properly disclose his family's oil lease for a property near Beverly Hills High School.

"I think it is important as we go forward to say who is going to be the trustworthy and clear leader," Greuel said.

The two candidates agreed on many issues Sunday as they have throughout much of the campaign. Both supported the idea of more frequent evaluations for public school teachers. Both described policies they had employed to make neighborhoods more pedestrian friendly.

Garcetti and Greuel said they supported federal immigration reform but opposed provisions that would limit funds for family reunification and limit the rights of same-sex partners.

About 20 minutes into the debate, moderator Schnur asked the two candidates whether they disagreed with any of the policy prescriptions that their rival had outlined so far. Both answered "No."

Among the new programs Garcetti, 42, said he would like to initiate were funding for summer jobs for all high school students who want them and to initiate a green energy program that he said could lead to as many as 20,000 jobs.

Garcetti said he would use federal community block grant funds to pay for jobs for an estimated 10,000 teenagers who applied but were not hired last summer. Greuel wondered what other block grant programs would have to be cut to make that happen.

Among his achievements, Garcetti cited a two-thirds drop in violent crime in his district, which he has represented for 12 years, and the creation of 31 new parks.

Greuel, 51, said she wanted to create a "tech fund" to assist new startups in the city. She also cited the dozens of audits her office has completed as evidence that she would be able to find savings to fund other city programs.

When the debate turned to job training, for instance, Greuel said she had audited the city's job training program and found that only 4% of the funds went to training and the rest to job placement. "Placement," she said incredulously, "at a time when we have no jobs."

She cited other audit findings that she said could produce real savings: the failure of the Department of Transportation to adequately collect parking ticket fines, waste in city employee's cellphone use and wasteful expenditures on gas for city vehicles.

Garcetti has mocked the controller's work, saying she had produced little real savings. But Greuel countered that, as controller, her job was to find problems. She faulted the council for not putting many of her recommendations into action.

"I work for the taxpayers of Los Angeles," Greuel said. "I don't work for anybody else."

Moderator Schnur asked Greuel about the historic nature of her campaign and whether voters should support her to elect the first woman mayor of Los Angeles.

"People need to judge me on what I've been able to accomplish," Greuel said, "but there is a historical nature to it."

"I met a little girl today, 6 years old, who said I understand that you might be the first woman mayor and her eyes lit up because I was going to be a role model for her," Greuel said. She also noted that, depending on the outcome of the May 21 election, the council could have no female members. As controller, she is only the second woman elected citywide.

Garcetti, who has an Italian last name, pointed out that he could also make a historic breakthrough — as the city's first elected Jewish mayor (one was appointed in the 1880s, but only for a year). As he has throughout the campaign, he noted that his father's parents both emigrated from Mexico and that it would be helpful to continue to have a mayor "who is Latino and speaks Spanish."

"What I've said is 'I don't want your vote because I'm Latino or Jewish. I don't want your vote because I speak Spanish,' " Garcetti said. "I want your vote because of my record

james.rainey@latimes.com

maeve.reston@latimes.com


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L.A. full of roads to ruin for cars

Written By kolimtiga on Minggu, 05 Mei 2013 | 16.38

A drive along Angus Street in hilly Silver Lake requires navigating a gantlet of buckled concrete slabs and dirt-filled cracks.

But on South Seabluff Drive in Playa Vista the ride is smooth, the pavement is black and you can smell the fresh asphalt.

Despite the city's best efforts to keep up with the constant flood of road repairs, Los Angeles is a city divided — by its potholes, cracks and ruts.

Interactive map: See your street's grade

A Times analysis of street inspection data found wide disparities in road quality among the city's 114 neighborhoods.

The streets in the newer development of Playa Vista, which the city's database gives the highest ranking with an average grade of B, scored 80% higher than those in Silver Lake, which ranks among the worst with a D-minus average.

The differences are not driven by wealth or political power. In fact, some of the poorest parts of the city have some of the best roads.

The heart of the problem is aging streets, heavy traffic, undulating terrain and the sheer size of the network. The streets in the poorest shape tend to be in hillside neighborhoods, such as the Hollywood Hills, Mount Washington, Los Feliz and Bel-Air.

But layered on top of those problems is a street repair strategy that bypasses the worst streets in favor of preserving salvageable ones. Street officials have also made a political decision to bring the overall grade of roads in each City Council district to the same level.

For Angelenos waiting for their street to be rebuilt, abandon all hope: There is a 60-year backlog of failed streets — meaning residents might not see them fixed in their lifetimes.

"If you ask people 'How many of you have been a victim of crime today?' nobody will raise their hand," said Rusty Millar, a Silver Lake Neighborhood Council representative. "If you ask 'How many of you have been a victim of bad streets and traffic?,' everybody will raise their hand."

::

With its stately homes and manicured lawns, Hancock Park is one of the wealthiest areas in L.A. and considered one of the city's historical gems. But that hasn't helped get its mostly ancient concrete streets repaired: The neighborhood has an overall D-minus grade.

Hancock Park residents Michael and Ruth Steinberger live on Rimpau Boulevard, which was graded F when last inspected. They have complained to the city that their street has a severe rut at the intersection with 3rd Street that has scraped the undercarriage of their Mercedes countless times.

"It ruins every car," Ruth Steinberger said. "And God forbid you don't know about it and you are coming in at normal speeds — you can get hurt."

After decades of neglect, Los Angeles is trying to play catch-up in places like Hancock Park.

It's a Herculean task, given the size of L.A.'s street network — the largest municipal system in the country with 6,500 miles of paved roadway. Factor the number of lanes into the equation and there are enough miles of road in the city to build a 10-lane freeway from here to New York City.

The average grade of the city's roads is a C. The network scores lower than all 10 of the most populous counties in the state, according to city and state data.

But the average grade tells only part of the story. More than one-third of the streets in the city have a score of D or worse, meaning they must be resurfaced or totally reconstructed.

"I not only sympathize with those residents, I also empathize," said Nazario Sauceda, director of the city Bureau of Street Services. "I can tell you with a straight face that we are doing the best we can with the money we have."

In some neighborhoods, such as Silver Lake and Hancock Park, more than half the streets are graded F, the Times analysis found. Those streets have foot-deep potholes and giant cracks that can flatten tires and ruin suspensions.

At the other end of the spectrum, nearly half of Winnetka's streets and more than half of Playa Vista's are graded A.

The city's goal is to raise its entire street network to a B average, but that can't be done without more than $2.6 billion in new money, according to the city.

This year, the aim is to work on roughly 800 miles of road. Most of that — about 70% — involves applying crack and slurry seal to preserve roads. The rest is the much more expensive work of resurfacing streets.

Even 20 years ago, the city employed what was called the "windshield method" to find problems — driving around the city and fixing whatever looked bad. At the time, the city adopted a "worst-first" strategy — fixing the broken streets before all others.

But that doesn't work in the long run because of limited resources. Rebuilding a street is five to 10 times more expensive than patching one. If work crews just replaced the worst streets, hundreds of miles of passable streets would fall into disrepair sooner, city officials said.

In 1998, the city began using a computerized pavement management system to help plan street maintenance and repaving with a constrained budget. Using a state-of-the-art van equipped with cameras and lasers, workers created a database for the roughly 68,000 street segments. The vehicle is outfitted like an undercover FBI surveillance unit; employees inside gather photos and measurements to document pavement distress.

The first time city officials crunched street inspection data was in 2005, and they found big discrepancies in the average street quality ratings among the 15 council districts, ranging from B to D grades. Since then, the bureau has worked hard to narrow those gaps, Sauceda said.

"We don't have enough money to improve the condition of the network," he said. "My job is to distribute misery equally."

The Times analysis found that disparities between council districts persist. Streets in Councilman Tom LaBonge's Hollywood district have an overall grade of D-plus. By comparison, Councilwoman Jan Perry's South L.A. district ranks highest with a C-plus grade and an average street quality score that is 26% higher than LaBonge's.

LaBonge said he isn't surprised by the Times' findings because of the age and geography of roads in his district. It includes some of the lowest-scoring hilly neighborhoods. Many of the those areas have hard concrete streets that were built more than 50 years ago and are well beyond their life expectancy, city officials said.

"If you go through Beverly Hills, there isn't a pothole there," LaBonge said. "Why? Because every tax dollar stays in Beverly Hills. But in Los Angeles it's shared from San Pedro to Chatsworth. People in my district want to see improvement, but it's also a shared city."

That's little consolation to homeowner Gregory Leskin, who lives on that treacherous stretch of Angus Street in Silver Lake.

Nearly three years ago, he got fed up with the severe cracking on his block, went online and submitted a request with the street services bureau to fix it. He's still waiting.

"It's dilapidated and in desperate need of repair," said Leskin, a clinical psychologist at UCLA.

::

Earlier this year, Councilmen Joe Buscaino and Mitchell Englander proposed a $3-billion bond issue to fix streets graded D or F but put it on hold after other council members complained there was not enough public outreach. Since then, Buscaino, chairman of the Public Works Committee, has held meetings across the city to get public input on a similar measure that could go on the November 2014 ballot.

There is growing concern at City Hall that the pool of money available for roadwork will shrink dramatically. President Obama's federal stimulus package ran out last summer; and funding from Proposition 1B, a statewide measure that passed in 2006, expires in June after providing $87 million for roadwork in Los Angeles.

That money allowed the city to increase its street repair and maintenance spending to an all-time high of $105 million this fiscal year. At the same time, however, the city's general fund has been contributing far less, down to $1.1 million this year from $32.2 million in 2007, budget officials said.

Additional funding is the only solution to saving the street system in the long run, said John Harvey, director of the University of California Pavement Research Center.

"If you continually under-fund it, there is no magic in pavement management," Harvey said. "You can't do it. You are going to continue to deteriorate."

Times staff writer Ben Welsh contributed to this report.

ben.poston@latimes.com

Interactive map: See your street's grade

How we reported this story

The city's database of streets maintained by the Bureau of Street Services includes location, rating, street type and last inspection and repair.

The city scores each street segment on a 100-point scale called the pavement condition index. The Times mapped the data to neighborhood and council district boundaries.

Streets located along the borders of neighborhoods or districts were counted for all adjacent areas. The Times analysis took into account the street surface area, work history and pavement deterioration over time.

The pavement database is a snapshot in time from late April and may not reflect recent roadwork or inspections, according to the Street Services bureau.

How the city of L.A. grades streets

A streets: no cracking, no oxidation and no structural failure. No maintenance required.

B streets: minimal cracking, no oxidation and no structural failure. Slurry seal required.

C streets: minimal cracking, zero to 5% of structural failure. Blanketing (repaving) required.

D streets: some cracking, 6% to 35% of structural failure. Resurfacing required.

F streets: major or unsafe cracking, 36% to more than 50% of structural failure. Resurfacing or reconstruction required.

Source: Los Angeles Bureau of Street Services


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Prop. 13 loophole gives edge to big players

In 2006, billionaire computer magnate Michael Dell, one of the world's richest men, agreed to pay $200 million for the Fairmont Miramar Hotel, a beachfront landmark in Santa Monica that long has been a retreat for Hollywood starlets and U.S. presidents.

A few months later, Dell tore up the contract.

He still wanted the hotel. But his attorneys had found a simple way to reshuffle the deal to avoid a legal change in ownership.

The maneuver saved about $1 million a year in property taxes — an option available only to businesses, not homeowners, under the arcane rules governing Proposition 13.

The Miramar deal illustrates how businesses can easily — and legally — avoid property tax hikes under the California ballot initiative passed in 1978. As a result, the state loses tens of millions of dollars in revenue each year, officials estimate.

Voters overwhelmingly approved Proposition 13 out of a concern that homeowners, particularly the elderly, would be forced from their houses by rising tax bills during a real estate boom. The law ensured that property taxes were pegged at 1% of purchase price, assessed value could rise no more than 2% per year, and property was reassessed to full market value only when sold.

But large corporate property owners have been among the law's biggest beneficiaries, thanks in part to loopholes such as the one Dell used.

Essentially, the law allows businesses to sidestep reassessment if no one acquires a majority stake in a company that owns the property. Dell did that by bringing in his wife and two of his investment advisors as partners — with no one taking more than 49% control of the hotel company. With no change in ownership, it continued to be taxed based on the 1999 property value of $86 million.

Los Angeles County assessors concluded it was a blatant tax dodge and raised taxes on the property.

A Superior Court judge disagreed, finding last December that the deal met the letter of the law. The county has filed an appeal.

Dell declined to comment. If he prevails, he will save more than $1 million a year, and taxpayers will probably also owe him more than $2 million in tax refunds and legal fees.

Christopher Thornberg, founder of research firm Beacon Economics and a former economist at UCLA Anderson Forecast, says the state has only itself to blame: "He didn't do anything wrong. He's saying to California: Look, idiots, I just robbed you blind, and it's your own fault."

::

Passed 35 years ago by more than 65% of voters, Proposition 13 remains highly popular among property owners.

But during that period, the tax burden has steadily shifted from businesses to homeowners. In Los Angeles County, for instance, homeowners have gone from paying a 40% share of the total in 1975 to 57% today.

That shift is fueling efforts by some Democrats to tinker with Proposition 13. Eight separate measures were introduced this session. One, intended to close the loophole used by Dell, was recently tabled amid complaints by businesses that it was "a job killer." The others remain long shots.

Public support is growing, however, for a more sweeping change. A December poll by the Public Policy Institute of California found that 58% of likely voters favor a so-called split roll, in which commercial properties would be reassessed periodically regardless of their ownership.

The change would require a popular vote to amend Proposition 13, which is enshrined in the state Constitution, and would probably meet a wall of opposition from business owners, who complain they are overtaxed in California as it is.

For now, state and local officials are bound by rules that even some architects of Proposition 13 warned were ripe for abuse.

A year after Proposition 13 passed, state leaders began to grapple with the meaning of three words in the initiative: "change of ownership."


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5 die in limousine fire on Bay Area bridge

From the Associated Press

May 5, 2013, 2:29 a.m.

SAN MATEO -- A limousine traveling on a major bridge in the San Francisco area burst into flames, killing five passengers who were trapped inside and injuring four others who escaped, authorities said.

The limo was carrying nine passengers and a driver when it caught fire late Saturday night on the San Mateo bridge, California Highway Patrol officer Art Montiel told the Contra Costa Times.

Five occupants became trapped, while the four others suffered injuries but managed to get out after the vehicle came to a stop on the bridge, the patrol said. The driver escaped uninjured.

KGO reports that the victims were all women who are believed to be in their 30s.

The blaze occurred around 10 p.m. on westbound lanes of the bridge, which connects San Mateo and Alemada counties, about 20 miles southeast of San Francisco.

The patrol said that smoke started coming out of the rear of the limo, and the driver pulled over as the vehicle quickly became engulfed in flames. Officers were trying to determine the cause of the blaze, which wasn't the result of an accident.

"We have no idea right now where they were going or where they were coming from," CHP officer Amelia Jack told KGO.

Of the survivors, Jack said one had severe burns and three others suffered minor to moderate injuries that included smoke inhalation. The four were rushed to nearby hospitals for treatment.

Several lanes of the bridge were closed as officers investigated the cause of the deadly fire, but the patrol said one lane of traffic reopened early Sunday.

Authorities said the names of the dead would be released once families have been notified.


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In LAPD shake-up, Beck reassigns three of his deputies

Written By kolimtiga on Sabtu, 04 Mei 2013 | 16.38

Los Angeles Police Chief Charlie Beck has reassigned three of his deputies, including the head of the department's internal affairs division, in a shake-up the chief said is meant to usher in "fresh perspectives."

The most notable of the moves will see Deputy Chief Mark Perez, who has run internal affairs for several years and oversaw a dramatic shift in how the department handles discipline, be replaced by another deputy chief, Debra McCarthy.

McCarthy, 52, currently commands the department's West Bureau, which includes police stations in Venice, West L.A. and Hollywood. Deputy Chief Terry Hara, 55, will take over McCarthy's post and Perez, 56, will fill the vacancy left by Hara as the head of human resources and training.

The changes, which go into effect in two weeks, "were made to get some fresh perspectives and diversity of thought," Beck said in an interview with The Times.

Perez's departure from the Professional Standards Bureau, which investigates officers accused of misconduct, is certain to raise eyebrows within the department. Appointed to the post in 2006 by Beck's predecessor, William J. Bratton, Perez moved the department away from its traditional approach to disciplining officers that was centered on giving officers incrementally harsher punishments for repeat offenses.

Instead, Perez put in place a system that, as he frequently said, emphasized "strategy over penalty."

Problem officers, Perez believed, are more likely to change their behavior if they are made to think about their misconduct and how it undermined not only the department's mission of fighting crime but the officer's own self-interest.

"We have to lead as if we're going to progress past just punishing people and expecting that to get anything done," he once told the Police Commission, the civilian board that oversees the department.

The idea led to a dramatic increase in the number of warnings instead of suspensions, which were the foundation of the old system. In theory, if an officer committed the same or a similar offense again after being warned, the officer faced being fired or receiving a lengthy suspension.

But in recent years, Perez clashed with members of the commission, who raised concerns about whether the new approach was working to cut down on misconduct and if officers were treated equally.

In defending his work before the commission, Perez often came across as disdainful and standoffish to members of the board and others.

Beck, in a brief interview, said he is not looking for McCarthy to dismantle Perez's work. Except in the relatively infrequent cases in which he wants the officers fired, Beck said, "I still believe in using methods that reform behavior instead of punish it."

Perez and McCarthy did not return calls and emails seeking comment.

For Hara, who recently made a failed bid for a seat on L.A.'s City Council, the change will be a return to familiar ground as he led West Bureau before McCarthy.

joel.rubin@latimes.com


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Forecast gives new hope in battling fires

The second day of searing temperatures and unseasonably strong Santa Ana winds kept firefighters busy Friday battling blazes that threatened homes in Ventura County, Glendale and Walnut, but the day ended with hope that cooling conditions would ease the siege.

The day was filled with tense moments as the Springs fire lurched closer to homes near Thousand Oaks and a fast-moving blaze in Glendale prompted evacuations and temporarily shut down parts of a busy freeway interchange.

Although the amount of burned acreage increased significantly Friday, the fires did not cause major damage to structures.

In Ventura County, authorities said that more than 1,000 firefighters were at work on the Springs fire, which began Thursday near Camarillo. The fire has burned more than 28,000 acres as it ran up canyons and crept within 100 feet of homes in the affluent area of Hidden Valley. The fire was only 20% contained as of Friday evening.

The fire made a harrowing reversal Friday, buffeted by stronger onshore winds than officials expected, endangering areas that had previously escaped the first wave of flames. Officials, who had estimated the fire would be under control by May 13, said they might have to revise those expectations because of Friday's conditions.

Those on the front lines were hopeful that Saturday's forecasts of a 20-degree temperature drop, higher humidity and light rain would hold true.

"Any time we can take advantage of the situation, we're going to get in there and do it," Ventura County Fire spokesman Tom Kruschke said. "If we get the advantage to move in and get aggressive on this fire and do that safely, absolutely, we're going to do that."

National Weather Service forecasters said that the temperatures — which had soared into the 90s on Friday in Ventura County, including a blistering record high of 96 degrees in Camarillo — should fall to the 60s and low 70s.

Bonnie Bartling of the weather service said there was a 10% possibility of rain Saturday evening, with an increased chance of 50% for Sunday evening into Monday. She added that a cloudy marine layer was settling over much of Southern California.

Elsewhere in the region, firefighters quickly knocked down brush fires that threatened homes in Glendale and the San Gabriel Valley suburb of Walnut.

Glendale officials credited the clearing of flammable brush and a decisive air attack as being critical in gaining the upper hand on that 75-acre blaze, which scorched the Chevy Chase Canyon area north of the 134 Freeway.

"We hit it quickly," Glendale spokesman Tom Lorenz said. The city's firefighters, Lorenz said, had been preparing and planning for brush fires due to the recent high winds.

Los Angeles County firefighters took an hour to knock down a five-acre fire that threatened homes in the 600 block of North Silver Valley Trail in Walnut, a suburb of 30,000 near Diamond Bar. Fire Inspector Quvondo Johnson said about 200 firefighters attacked the blaze on the ground and by air.

"We didn't play," he said.

In the Springs fire, about 4,000 homes and 300 commercial properties have been threatened, according to a recent tally from the California Department of Forestry and Fire Protection, with 15 residences, 15 outbuildings and five commercial properties damaged.

Nick Schuler, a battalion chief with Cal Fire's San Diego division, said the homes most susceptible are those where brush hasn't been regularly cleared hundreds of feet away from structures as firefighters suggest.

On the flank of the fire in a Newbury Park neighborhood, where five cul-de-sacs reach into the foothills like fingers, Jonathan Neira stood on one of them that was nearly empty and silent except for the hum of a helicopter in the distance. Ash had descended from the smoke-filled sky, layering lawns and rosebushes with a gray down.

"It was frightening," said Neira, a Cal State Channel Islands graduate student. "You could see the whole ridge on fire."

More residents — in Hidden Valley and off Potrero Road, in particular — were ordered to leave Friday as evacuations in Sycamore Canyon, Deer Canyon and Yerba Buena remained in effect, said Bill Nash, a Ventura County fire spokesman. Residents have been allowed to return to the Dos Vientos area and Cal State Channel Islands.

Throughout Friday afternoon, residents in the evacuated areas scrambled to pack their cars and load horses into trailers.


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Destructive 1993 blaze led to new firefighting strategy

Scott Dettorre was a young firefighter in 1993 when the infamous Green Meadow wildfire swept through, leaving a path of destruction from Ventura County to Malibu.

The fire, which destroyed 53 homes and consumed 44,000 acres, caught firefighters unprepared and prompted officials to rethink the way they fight blazes driven by fierce Santa Ana winds.

This week, Dettorre helped lead the battle against the Springs fire, which like the devastating 1993 blaze covered a wide swath of the county. Dettorre, now a captain, said crews fought the blaze much differently this time.

It's a game plan that as of Friday evening was showing signs of success. Although the fire licked against several subdivisions and hillside estates, it has largely remained confined to rugged wildlands and agricultural zones.

"With this fire, having experienced Green Meadow, our commanding officers realized much sooner that we were not going to get ahead of this fire," he said Friday. "Consequently, we were able to put plans in place to minimize damage to a much greater extent. It is the lessons of Green Meadow that is allowing us to do what we are doing out here."

The fire, which had burned more than 28,000 acres by Friday evening, ignited Thursday morning amid historically dry conditions and strong Santa Ana winds considered unusual for May.

Fire officials quickly determined that the leading edge of the fire was too dangerous to confront head-on.

"It became apparent very quickly that this fire was going to overwhelm us," Dettorre said. "Instead of us being able to outflank the fire, the fire was outflanking us and putting all of the fire personnel in grave danger."

Initially, firefighters worked from the point of origin and the flanks, trying to slowly pinch it off, said Ventura County Fire Capt. Mike Lindberry. But that strategy was abandoned in about two hours, and firefighters assumed a more defensive strategy, which included trying to protect important structures.

Lindberry and other commanders sent out strike teams, some with bulldozers to widen firebreaks, others with fire engines to protect property.

Many strike teams also deployed to defend subdivisions pressed against brush-covered hillsides and other open spaces. Throughout the day Thursday, TV stations showed dramatic footage of the fire roaring to the edge of communities — and in some cases seemingly surrounding them — before strike crews moved in and prevented the flames from entering the neighborhoods.

The battle at the head of the fire was joined by air.

Tanker planes dropped retardant in the path of the fire. Helicopters dropped water directly on the flames. Lindberry said the winds got so bad Thursday afternoon that the water tankers were grounded.

The fire raced through Newbury Park and Camarillo, burning a path to the sea through rugged parkland and farming areas. It consumed huge amounts of land, but firefighters were able to maneuver it away from large communities.

"The nervous part comes in with topography. There were some moments up on Deer Creek last night where it would flare up suddenly and take a run," said Dettorre, who hadn't slept in 24 hours.

During the Green Meadow fire in 1993, officials thought they could get ahead of the fire and battle it at the front. That turned out to be a dangerous move, making it more difficult to protect structures.

"We weren't expecting that fire to take off the way it did. Because of that, we were behind the eight ball, playing catch-up constantly," Dettorre said.

Both Dettorre and Lindberry said good urban planning was also an important factor this week. Ventura County has long required strict setbacks for fire protection measures for developments. These created important barriers that helped prevent flames from reaching subdivisions.

Lindberry said that's one reason the Dos Vientos neighborhood in Newbury Park, which appeared besieged on multiple sides by flames Thursday, suffered virtually no damage.

Strict growth controls in the county have also proved helpful for firefighters.

Officials in the 1970s adopted a plan of keeping nearly all commercial and residential development within the boundaries of Ventura County's 10 cities. That created greenbelt buffers between the cities and limited the growth of residential tracts on unincorporated land. Several major Ventura County fires burned large amounts of open space but spared neighborhoods. The massive wildfire in 2003 burned 172,000 acres but destroyed only 38 structures.

"Because of our history, we know where our fires are going to go," Dettorre said.

catherine.saillant@latimes.com

hector.becerra@latimes.com

joseph.serna@latimes.com

Times staff writers Christine Mai-Duc, Kate Mather and Matt Stevens contributed to this report.


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California wildfires: Springs fire reaches PCH in Ventura County

Written By kolimtiga on Jumat, 03 Mei 2013 | 16.38

By Robert J. Lopez and Marisa Gerber

May 2, 2013, 9:23 p.m.

A massive wildfire that was devouring huge swaths of brush in Ventura County reached the Pacific Coast on Thursday night after burning for more than 14 hours, officials said.

The Springs fire, which had charred at least 8,000 acres of vegetation, reached Pacific Coast Highway near Yerba Buena Road,  Ventura County Fire Department spokesman Bill Nash told KCAL-TV Channel 9.

The fire had been raging for more than 14 hours after breaking out shortly before 7 a.m. near Camarillo Springs.

As darkness descended, air operations were shut down. That forced fire crews to battle the blaze with chainsaws, shovels and hose lines connected to fire engines, the Ventura County Fire Department said.

"We're fighting it the old fashioned down-and-dirty way with boots on the ground," Nash told KTLA-TV Channel 5.  "It's hot, dangerous dirty work."

As huge walls of flame moved steadily toward the sea, authorities evacuated residents in the canyon neighborhoods between Thousand Oaks and Pacific Coast Highway. The highway was closed for the second time Thursday night as the fire was raging in the rugged canyons about a mile from the coast, authorities said.

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Twitter: @LAJourno

robert.lopez@latimes.com


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Fleeing the flames in Southern California

Terry Doebler woke up choking from the smoke.

Doebler, 80, and her 82-year-old husband, Paul — retired New York transplants living in the Camarillo Springs neighborhood of Ventura County — had seen brushfires before in their 15 years there, but this was the first time a blaze forced them to evacuate.

"I opened the front door and the whole mountain was on fire," Paul Doebler said.

The Doeblers were among hundreds of residents in several Ventura County communities who fled their homes Thursday to escape a fast-moving brush fire that burned 8,000 acres and threatened thousands of homes. Hundreds of firefighters struggled to protect houses from the blaze, which damaged 15 homes and was about 10% contained late Thursday. Meanwhile, similar dry, windy conditions drove fires that destroyed homes, cars and a boat elsewhere in Southern California.

The Springs fire erupted before 7 a.m. off the southbound 101 freeway and burned across the Camarillo landscape, scorching 100 acres in less than an hour. By afternoon, the fire had made its way to Point Mugu State Park on a trek toward the ocean. It finally hit the coast late Thursday evening.

Cal State Channel Islands and multiple neighborhoods were evacuated as Santa Ana winds blew the flames southwest, and a stretch of Pacific Coast Highway was temporarily closed in the afternoon and again in the evening.

High winds and radiant heat forced officials to ground four fixed-winged air tankers that had dropped thousands of gallons of flame retardant on brush in the afternoon, leaving them to fight the flames on the ground and with helicopters that carry much less water.

With air operations concluded for the night, fire crews were battling flames with shovels, chain saws and fire engines.

"We're fighting it the old-fashioned down-and-dirty way with boots on the ground," Ventura County Fire Department spokesman Bill Nash told KTLA Channel 5. "It's hot, dangerous, dirty work."

TV news outlets showed a house engulfed in flames Thursday evening. Fire and sheriff's officials had no reports of homes destroyed.

The Doeblers and their yellow Labrador retriever, Mandy, joined dozens of evacuees clustered in small groups around the sanctuary of Camarillo's Calvary Nexus church, one of two evacuation centers set up by the American Red Cross.

Some were picking at paper plates of ziti with meat sauce that had been doled out by volunteers. Most couldn't take their eyes off the stadium-size TV screen at the front of the room, with its nonstop coverage of the blaze that had driven them out.

Others packed their possessions and prepared to flee but watched in relief as the blaze passed them by.

Daniel and Leslie Burns left work and rushed back to the Dos Vientos area of Newbury Park at mid-morning to find flames 30 feet high racing down a hill toward their two-story house, pushed by winds gusting to 40 mph.

Friends had already evacuated their dog, said Leslie Burns, 54, a teacher at Moorpark High School. They hurriedly packed photographs, important papers and medications, and prepared to flee.

But then the winds shifted. Erratic, hot winds blew the fire farther south into untouched brush in the hillsides above Newbury Park.

Pediatrician Paul Whyte was at work Thursday morning when his wife called to tell him the fire was in their backyard and helicopters were overhead.

He drove up his street to his large house at the end of Via Nicola, a cul-de-sac that abuts the hills where the fire burned.

"I saw my house, and then I saw the flames, two to three stories high, behind and above my house. I thought, 'That's not good,' " he said.

His wife and children had already evacuated with the family dogs, but Whyte stayed to monitor the situation. Firefighters told him they were controlling the fire and allowing it to burn out.


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Prosecutor in Bhutto, Mumbai cases slain in Pakistan

-- Gunmen shot to death the Pakistani government's lead prosecutor in a high-profile case involving former military ruler

on Friday as he drove to court in the capital, Islamabad, police said.

The gunmen fired at Chaudhry Zulfikar from a taxi and hit him in the head, shoulder and chest, said police officer Mohammed Ishaq. Zulfikar then lost control of his car, which hit a woman passerby and killed her, said another police officer, Mohammed Rafiq.

Zulfikar's guard, Farman Ali, returned fire in the attack and believes he wounded at least one of the attackers, Rafiq said. Ali also was injured in the attack.

Police official Yasin Farooq said the attackers fled after killing Zulfikar, and that a massive search has been launched to find them.

A motive for the killing was unclear, but Zulfikar was involved in two particularly high-profile cases. He was the government's lead prosecutor in a case related to the assassination of former Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto in a gun and suicide attack in 2007, said Ishaq.

Government prosecutors have accused Musharraf of being involved in the murder and not providing enough security to Bhutto. Musharraf, who was in power when she was killed, has denied the allegations. He blamed the assassination on the Pakistani Taliban at the time of the attack.

Zulfikar was also the government's lead prosecutor in a case related to the 2008 terrorist attack on the Indian city of Mumbai that killed 166 people. The attack was blamed on the Pakistan-based militant group Lashkar-e-Taiba.

Pakistan has put seven men on trial on charges they assisted in the Mumbai siege, but the trial has made little progress. India has criticized Pakistan for not doing more to crack down on the militants blamed for the attack. Hafiz Saeed, the head of a group believed to be a front for Lashkar-e-Taiba, remains free, and many believe he enjoys the protection of the government. Lashkar-e-Taiba was founded years ago with the help of Pakistani intelligence to put pressure on India over the disputed territory of Kashmir.

Musharraf returned to Pakistan in March after four years in self-imposed exile to make a political comeback despite Taliban death threats and a raft of legal cases against him. But his fortunes have gone from bad to worse since he arrived.

Judges barred him from running in the May 11 parliamentary election not long after he arrived because of his actions while in power. A court in the northwestern city of Peshawar went further this week and banned Musharraf from running for public office for the rest of his life — a ruling the former military strongman plans to appeal.

Musharraf is currently under house arrest on the outskirts of Islamabad in connection with several cases against him, including the Bhutto case. He also faces allegations of treason before the Supreme Court.

Zulfikar was headed to a hearing related to Musharraf and the Bhutto case at a court in Rawalpindi, next to Islamabad, when he was killed, said Ishaq, the police officer.

Musharraf seized power in a military coup in 1999 when he was serving as army chief and ruled for nearly a decade until he was forced to step down in 2008 because of growing discontent with his rule.


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